Rethinking peer influence and risk taking: A strengths-based approach to adolescence in a new era
Joseph P. Allen
SimpleOriginal

Summary

Adolescent psychopathology has shifted, with decreased externalizing behaviors and increased anxiety/depression. This paper argues this is linked to a decline in strong peer connections and increased risk aversion.

Rethinking peer influence and risk taking: A strengths-based approach to adolescence in a new era

Keywords Adolescent relationships; Externalizing; Internalizing; Peer influence; Risk taking

Abstract

The ways that psychopathology manifests in adolescence have shifted dramatically over the past twenty-five years, with rates of many externalizing behaviors declining substantially while rates of anxiety and depressive disorders have skyrocketed. This paper argues that understanding these changes requires rethinking the field’s historically somewhat negative views of intense peer connections, peer influences, and adolescent risk-taking behavior. It is argued that intense peer connections are critical to development, and that peer influence and risk taking have important, often overlooked, adaptive components. The shift in observed manifestations of adolescent psychopathology over this period can be viewed at least partly in terms of a shift away from strong peer connections and toward greater risk aversion. Implications for research and intervention based on a focus on the adaptive aspects of peer influences and risk taking are discussed.

Introduction

The past twenty-five years have witnessed two dramatic changes in adolescent mental health in the United StatesFootnote 1 . The first, a dramatic decrease in a wide range of adolescent externalizing behaviors, has been fortuitous. Rates of adolescent rule- and norm-breaking behaviors have plummeted, and not just by a little. Rates of teen pregnancy, for example, have declined by over 75% (Maddow-Zimet & Kost, Reference Maddow-Zimet and Kost 2021), and rates of alcohol abuse by more than 50% (National Institute on alcohol abuse and alcoholism, 2023). Juvenile arrest rates have declined by over 70% (OJJDP, 2024). Notably, these improvements occurred in spite of considerable social upheaval across this period, including the terror attacks of 9/11, multiple school shootings, the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and the Great Recession. They are a testament to Cicch etti’s (Reference Cicchetti 2016) description of the construct of resilience, and should debunk the notion that “things are worse than they’ve ever been.”

At the same time, a countervailing trend makes clear that all is not well. In the ten years leading up to the onset of Covid, youth rates of depression soared by over 60% (Keyes et al., Reference Keyes, Gary, O’Malley, Hamilton and Schulenberg2019). This appears to reflect much more than just increased willingness to acknowledge depressive symptoms, as rates of admissions to hospital emergency departments following suicide attempts have gone up by similar levels (Kalb et al., Reference Kalb, Stapp, Ballard, Holingue, Keefer and Riley 2019). Data are still coming in, but all evidence suggests the Covid pandemic has only increased these rates (Barendse et al., Reference Barendse, Flannery, Cavanagh, Aristizabal, Becker, Berger, Breaux, Campione‐Barr, Church, Crone, Dahl, Dennis‐Tiwary, Dvorsky, Dziura, van de Groep, Ho, Killoren, Langberg, Larguinho and Pfeifer 2023). Anxiety disorders are not as precisely tracked, but evidence suggests these have skyrocketed as well (Twenge et al., Reference Twenge, Haidt, Lozano and Cummins 2022). Looking at youth social development more globally we see that overall life satisfaction levels among juveniles have also fallen precipitously (Marquez & Long, Reference Marquez and Long 2021).

“It was the best of times. It was the worst of times,” could easily have been written to describe the current cohort of youth. If we are to be responsive to these massive shifts in the form in which adolescent psychopathology now is manifest, our research emphases will need to assess adolescent development at multiple levels of analysis, as Cicchetti (Reference Cicchetti, Crockett, Carlo and Sculenberg 2023) has suggested, and move beyond purely intrapsychic analyses of adolescent psychopathology. In the interest of jumpstarting this process, this paper is written to be provocative in laying out several strong contentions about ways our research foci should change going forward. It will seek to highlight and build upon existing research to argue that we have consistently underestimated the positive value of both intense peer connections and peer influences in adolescence as well as the adaptive elements of adolescent risk preference. We consider each issue below followed by a discussion of their potential common elements as well as their implications for future research and intervention efforts.

The critical importance of peer connections

One of the biggest keys to understanding the changing nature of adolescent psychopathology may be recognizing both the central role of peer relationships in adolescent development as well as the extent to which these relationships have recently changed in problematic ways. Adolescents have long been scoffed at for treating peer relationships as matters of life and death, and the intensity of adolescent peer influences has often been viewed as a source of concern. Yet, as data continue to come in, it increasingly appears that the teens approach may have been right all along: Adolescent peer relationships appear fundamentally linked to long-term mental and physical health in ways that make teens’ “life and death” perspective on them appear unsettlingly realistic. Understanding the normal developmental drive to connect with peers in adolescence appears essential to understanding the pathological results that follow when this drive is thwarted (Cicchetti, Reference Cicchetti 1993).

As much as peer influences may be feared, the great bulk of accumulating evidence now suggests that it is the lack of strong connections to others that may currently be the more potent short- and long-term risk factor for psychopathology. Unfortunately, our youth are clearly suffering from a lack of connection. Rates of adolescent loneliness appear to have skyrocketed over the past twenty years (Twenge et al., Reference Twenge, Haidt, Blake, McAllister, Lemon and Le Roy 2021) and are not only high, but higher than for any other age cohort (Shovestul et al., Reference Shovestul, Han, Germine and Dodell-Feder 2020), an effect which the pandemic only seems to have exacerbated (Cigna Corporation, Reference Corporation 2021). Even prior to the pandemic, adolescents had begun spending significantly less time in in-person interactions with their friends (Twenge et al., Reference Twenge, Spitzberg and Campbell 2019). Understanding adolescent psychopathology in the current era requires attending closely to the meaning of these changes.

In adulthood, social relationships are now recognized as being as fundamental to survival as food, water, and shelter (Holt-Lunstad, Reference Holt-Lunstad 2023). Lack of social connection is linked to everything from depression and anxiety to stroke risk, dementia, respiratory illness, and even early mortality (Cohen, Reference Cohen 2021; Mann et al., Reference Mann, Wang, Pearce, Ma, Schlief, Lloyd-Evans, Ikhtabi and Johnson 2022; Valtorta et al., Reference Valtorta, Kanaan, Gilbody, Ronzi and Hanratty 2016). Our own recent data suggest that these findings are at least equally relevant to adolescents.

Our research has found, for example, that the absence of strong peer relationships in adolescence, whether reported by the adolescents’ themselves, their peers, or their parents, is a stronger predictor of future depressive symptoms in adulthood than even concurrent levels of depressive symptoms within adolescence (Allen et al., Reference Allen, Pettit, Costello, Hunt and Stern 2022). Similarly strong findings appear with regard to predictions of adult trait anxiety (Allen et al., Reference Allen, Costello, Hellwig and Stern 2024). These findings are striking in that they identify the absence of strong social connections in adolescence as a potentially more potent risk factor for future psychopathology than even concurrent levels of symptomatology – a striking and disturbing example of heterotypic continuity. The clear implication is that the underlying psychopathological processes at work with regard to long-term anxiety and depressive symptoms may actually be the lack of positive relationships. Similar findings also suggest long-term links of poor social connection in adolescence to poor academic performance and poor future career outcomes (Guay et al., Reference Guay, Boivin and Hodges 1999; Loeb et al., Reference Loeb, Davis, Costello and Allen 2020).

As concerning as are the observed links between adolescent peer relationships and future mental health and social functioning, findings regarding physical health are even more problematic. Inability to manage conflict in friendships beginning in early adolescence is predictive of higher levels of inflammation measured via Interleukin-6 levels in the bloodstream by the late twenties (Allen et al., 2018). Poor quality close friendships in adolescence, as reported by close friends, predict both reported poorer physical health a decade later in the mid-twenties and a faster than expected rate of epigenetic aging by age 30 (Allen, Danoff, et al., Reference Allen, Danoff, Costello, Loeb, Davis, Hunt, Gregory, Giamberardino and Connelly 2023; Allen et al., Reference Allen, Uchino and Hafen 2015). Those with a history of poor friendships literally age more quickly in a way that is already becoming apparent by age 30.

These findings are consistent with long-term studies in adulthood finding that poor social relationship quality creates a greater risk for early mortality than even cigarette smoking, obesity, or heavy drinking (Holt-Lunstad et al., Reference Holt-Lunstad, Smith, Layton and Brayne 2010). These findings in essence support what adolescents appear to intuitively realize: that humans are intrinsically social beings and pack animals right down to the physiological level (Blakemore, Reference Blakemore 2008).

Of course, it is not simply that adolescents express concern about their peer relationships, but also it is the intensity of these relationships and the influences that accompany this intensity, that often troubles adults. Yet, it may be that this intensity exists precisely because it is what is important to future adult functioning. Indeed, a series of studies both by our own group and others suggests that although broad popularity in the peer group has significant advantages within adolescence, it is the presence of high quality, intense close friendships that best predicts positive adult mental and physical health outcomes (Letkiewicz et al., Reference Letkiewicz, Li, Hoffman and Shankman 2023; Narr et al., Reference Narr, Allen, Tan and Loeb 2019; Woodhouse et al., Reference Woodhouse, Dykas and Cassidy 2011). These close relationships likely provide a context for developing the empathy, caregiving competence and healthy support-seeking behaviors needed to establish strong relationships in adulthood (Allen, Costello, et al., Reference Allen, Costello, Hellwig, Pettit, Stern and Uchino 2023; Stern et al., Reference Stern, Costello, Kansky, Fowler, Loeb and Allen 2021). In sum, the biggest social problem adolescents face currently appears not to be the intensity of their peer bonds, but rather the lack of these intense peer bonds.

Reconsidering the role of peer influence

Recognizing just how critical peer bonds are to adolescent development suggests a need to also reconsider the strong negative connotation the field has attached to the phenomena of peer influence in adolescence. This paper makes three assertions in this regard: First, our field has been making a version of the same mistake often made by parents in looking to peer influence to explain concerning behavior that is best understood at a different level of analysis. Second, we need to more consistently recognize the symmetrical nature of peer influences: They can be directed either toward or away from maladaptive behaviors. Finally, we must recognize the degree to which being influenced by one’s peers is fundamentally isomorphic with becoming well-socialized and adapting to larger social norms – a process that is critical to a successful adulthood. Each will be covered in turn below.

Deviant peer or problematic culture?

It has long been recognized that much apparent peer influence is simply an artifact of peer selection effects; deviant teens often select similar teens as peers (Field & Prinstein, in press; Kandel, Reference Kandel 1978). However, even in research that takes selection effects into account, there is a more fundamental, logical problem in looking to peer influences as a primary driver of adolescent pathology: Negative peer influence in most cases presumes already developed pathology elsewhere in a peer network, either with individual peers, or with regard to broader peer norms. Said differently, being influenced by a deviant peer requires the prior existence of that deviant peer. From this perspective, peer influence will almost never be a first cause of deviance in a population, and rarely even a primary cause. This does not mean that deviant peer influences don’t exist – they clearly do – but it should change our view of the pathological processes upon which we should be focusing.

A medical analogy can be instructive: Contagion is a widely recognized process in epidemiology, and the construct has been applied to a wide variety of social phenomena, including peer influence (Reiter et al., Reference Reiter, Suzuki, O’Doherty, Li and Eppinger 2019). Deviant adolescent behavior can clearly be contagious. Yet, the medical arena recognizes a key distinction: The pathogen and the contagion process are logically distinct entities. The act of breathing, for example, is the primary route by which a person becomes infected with the Covid virus. We recognize, however, that it is the virus, not the act of breathing, that is the core pathology. The same logic applies to peer influence processes in adolescence: The core problem in understanding adolescent deviant behavior is likely not peer influence but a broader adolescent culture that has values that deviate in key respects from those of adult society. Adolescent deviance may be no more a primary function of peer influence, than the problem with Covid is a primary function of breathing. There may be instances where we should try to reduce negative peer influences, of course, just as there are instances where using a mask to restrict our breathing is sensible, but this will be a tertiary approach at best.

We first confronted this issue in our own research when we were examining teens who were desired as companions by their peers at age 13 (Allen et al., Reference Allen, Porter and McFarland 2006). These teens were well-adjusted in numerous respects: they got along well with their parents, they had strong close friendships, and they were psychosocially mature. When we followed them a year later, however, we found that compared to their less well-liked peers, they were also far more likely to begin using alcohol and marijuana, and far more likely to engage in at least minor forms of delinquency, such as shoplifting. Why was this? It was our team of late adolescent undergraduate research assistants who provided the ready answer: This occurred because these behaviors are admired and valued (i.e., considered cool) within adolescent culture. And not just within deviant adolescent culture, but within adolescent culture broadly defined.

Our well-liked teens were well-socialized by all accounts, the problem was that they were being socialized within an adolescent culture with norms that deviated in significant ways from those of adult society. When we see peers encouraging one another to engage in behaviors, such as drinking and minor forms of delinquency, we view these as antisocial and deviant from an adult-centric perspective, without always considering that they are often considered socially normative within adolescent culture. This culture clash, and not peer influence processes, seems like the true pathogenic process.

The reason for the disconnect between adolescent and adult norms is unclear, although a strong possibility is that over the past century adolescence has come to be structured such that teens in Western society are increasingly disconnected from meaningful interaction with the adult world. We’ve written extensively about this elsewhere (Allen & Allen, Reference Allen and Allen 2009), but here would simply note that as the length of time between puberty and full adult status has lengthened, we’ve increasingly asked young people at the height of their physical powers, the height of their energy levels, and even at the peak of their of information processing capacity, to do little other than sit at desks, take notes, and answer questions on multiple choice tests, preparing for an adult future that is often many years away. Further, the work required is often done in isolation, and the likelihood of the content learned actually being useful to the vast majority of adolescents in adulthood is often marginal (e.g., mastering operations with imaginary numbers). As a consequence, adolescents are given relatively little direct access to adult roles and responsibilities. Though adolescents naturally desire adult status, they find it largely out of reach in important ways, and this problem appears to be worsening. Even simple adult-like behaviors, such as driving or going out without parents are occurring less frequently for our youth (Twenge & Park, Reference Twenge and Park 2019).

The deviant behavior we see in adolescence may well be better explained by this disconnect from the adult world than by an appeal to peer influence. Moffitt (Reference Moffitt 1993) has suggested that we can explain a number of criminal behaviors in adolescence, such as shoplifting, as efforts for adolescents to attain the appearance of economic ‘maturity’ when other avenues to attaining such maturity are cut off. Supporting this notion, as teenagers enter their twenties, and take on real adult roles, rates of deviant behavior fall by more than half, even though twenty-somethings would arguably be more physically and cognitively able to pull off criminal behavior without getting caught (Moffitt, Reference Moffitt 1993). Further evidence in support of this proposition comes from anthropologists’ observations of primitive tribes, which found a strong correlation between greater integration of adolescents into adult life in a tribe and lower levels of delinquency (Schlegel & Barry, Reference Schlegel and Barry 1991). In tribes that integrate adolescents into the adult world, deviant adolescent values were no longer a significant issue. These findings all suggest that without an adolescent culture supporting deviant behavior, peer influence would be less of a concern, just as without Covid, mask-free breathing is not only fine, its essential.

Peer influence as a positive socializing force

Failure to distinguish the pathogen from contagion processes has led to much research that begins with the presumption that most peer influences regarding deviant behaviors are maladaptive in nature. A logical fallacy in this assumption is that peer influence is often symmetric in nature: Finding strong peer influence with regard to substance use, for example, may mean not just that some teens are influenced to higher use by their high using friends but also that others are influenced to relatively lower use by abstaining friends. It is logically impossible for beta weights from lagged regression analyses to distinguish between these possibilities and indeed both may well co-exist, as there is little a priori reason to expect influences always to be skewed in one direction.

It is also becoming increasingly clear that peer influence can at times be unambiguously positive (Duell & Steinberg, Reference Duell and Steinberg 2020; Field & Prinstein, in press; Laursen & Veenstra, Reference Laursen and Veenstra 2021). Peer influences, for example, can be useful in getting others to attend to environmental issues (Frank, Reference Frank 2021). Indeed the argument has been made that peer influences can be quite useful with regard to any issue where individuals would not otherwise directly feel the consequences of their actions – e.g., in socially sanctioning behaviors such as littering (Mani et al., Reference Mani, Rahwan and Pentland 2013). Specific efforts to use peer norms to do things like reduce prejudice (Paluck, Reference Paluck 2011) have led to the idea that socialization by our peers that may be one of our most effective means of improving our world (Rosenberg, Reference Rosenberg 2011). Little wonder then, that human adolescents would be wired to attend to such socializing influences.

Our own longitudinal research largely confirms this perspective. In the same study that found that well-liked adolescents engaged in more substance use we also found that they were increasingly less likely to engage in aggressive behavior over time (Allen et al., Reference Allen, Porter and McFarland 2006) – evidence of likely positive influence effects for these socially attuned young people. Similarly, we’ve found that young people who were most likely to become more similar to their friends over time (i.e., appear influenced) were characterized by good relationships with their mothers and greater likability with peers (Allen et al., Reference Allen, Loeb, Kansky and Davis 2020). This was true, even though the influence being observed was with regard to subtance abuse. Notably, however, the influence was symmetric in nature: Teens were as likely to be influenced to less substance use by abstaining peers as the reverse. These readily influenced young people simply appeared to be well-socialized, as has also been found in other studies of readily influenced teens (Reiter et al., Reference Reiter, Suzuki, O’Doherty, Li and Eppinger 2019).

Beyond just measures of influence, we also find that “pack behaviors” in adolescence, including traits such as being viewed by peers as more of a follower than a leader and being seen by peers as less assertive are predictive of greater physical health into young adulthood (Allen et al., Reference Allen, Uchino and Hafen 2015). Although fierce independence is highly valued in Western society, cross-cultural scholars note that the socializing value of a more harmony-focused approach to group interactions is quite widely recognized in Eastern cultures (Talhelm et al., Reference Talhelm, Zhang, Oishi, Shimin, Duan, Lan and Kitayama 2014). In sum, becoming well-socialized, almost by definition, requires being receptive to influence by others in the social world. This can at times lead to problematic behaviors – not because being influenced is bad, but because of the culture doing the influencing. The Covid/ breathing metaphor above is thus likely even more apt than it might first appear. At a stage in life where learning to connect deeply with others is critical, learning from and being influenced by one’s peers may well be as vital to social development as breathing is to physical survival.

Peer pressure is not the same as peer influence

One of the reasons that peer influence has likely garnered a bad reputation, aside from its links to concerning adolescent behaviors, is that it has often been conflated with peer pressure. Yet, despite the popular depictions of peer pressure in teen movies (see e.g., Heathers, Mean Girls), our best evidence suggests that most peer influence does not result from actual peer pressure (Field & Prinstein, in press). Rather, youths adopt the behavior of their peers not as a result of pressure, but rather to enhance their social status and personal power (Ungar, Reference Ungar 2000).

Peer pressure is nevertheless a real phenomenon and under some circumstances can lead to negative outcomes. Among groups of deviant peers, coercive, deviancy-training behaviors (in which deviant talk and behavior are reinforced coercively) is associated with increases in deviance over time (Dishion et al., Reference Dishion, Andrews and Crosby 1995; Dishion & Owen, Reference Dishion and Owen 2002). Similarly, exposure to aggression by peers is also often linked to relative increases in deviant behavior, (Vitaro et al., Reference Vitaro, Brendgen and Tremblay 2000). Clearly, adolescents can become less functional in the face of coercive behavior from peers, but this is essentially the same finding as has been observed when adolescents display long-term negative effects following coercive behavior by parents (Loeb et al., Reference Loeb, Kansky, Tan, Costello and Allen 2021). Coercive environments can breed psychopathology, whether created by parents or by peers, but peer coercion is not the same as peer influence and most peer influence does not involve coercion. Indeed, in normative samples, higher levels of peer influence are actually predicted by lower levels of peer pressuring behavior (Allen et al., Reference Allen, Loeb, Kansky and Davis 2020).

Implications for peer relationship research

There are several implications for future research based on an increased awareness of the importance of peer relationships and peer influences. First, as we think about factors affecting peer relationships, our focus should be on how they do or do not affect the potential to establish deep relationships. For example, social media use is currently an area of tremendous concern, with some having suggested it as key to understanding increasing rates of adolescent depression (Twenge et al., Reference Twenge, Haidt, Joiner and Campbell 2020). Yet research linking social media use to psychopathology has typically yielded only quite modest effects (Cunningham et al., Reference Cunningham, Hudson and Harkness 2021; Keles et al., Reference Keles, McCrae and Grealish 2020). The analysis in this paper suggests that focus of this research may simply be slightly misplaced: Perhaps it isn’t time spent on social media, but rather the time not spent engaged in in-person interactions that matters. Given that much of “social” media currently involves only minimal or shallow social interaction (e.g., “likes” on an app), and given its highly seductive nature, its most potent feature may simply be its potential to displace time spent in far more important and valuable types of social interaction. This would suggest, for example, different outcomes for social media users who did vs. did not also have significant and meaningful in-person interactions with close peers. Similarly, research that distinguishes among the different qualities and facets of adolescent media use is likely to be far more useful than research simply tallying quantity of use.

A second implication of the analysis above is that all research on peer influence should explicitly consider the potentially symmetrical nature of such influence. It is logically incorrect to move from finding that a factor predicts peer influence on a maladaptive behavior to concluding that that factor is therefore an explanation for higher rates of that behavior. There may be cases where such asymmetry exists, but this must be confirmed by empirical observation, not left as an unquestioned assumption. Indeed, identifying areas where influence is asymmetrical could be a major area of advance: Perhaps peer influence about issues such as participation in extracurriculars, or even excelling in school (among some groups) is primarily in a positive direction. This might identify specific domains where peer influence could be encouraged vs. discouraged. Also, it may be that later in adolescence, as peer cultural norms change, peer influences may largely shift in a positive direction (e.g., it may become uncool to get wasted at a party and performing volunteer service in a community may garner many “likes” on social media). We’ve spent many years mapping the “prison” of adolescent deviancy-training and coercive behavior among peers; maybe it is time to also begin mapping the escape routes (Waters & Lawrence, Reference Waters and Lawrence 1993). Expanding existing research on peer influences toward adaptive behaviors (Leung et al., Reference Foulkes, Leung, Fuhrmann, Knoll and Blakemore 2018) would help address this gap.

As we move beyond seeing all peer influence as negative and we recognize the distinction between peer influence and peer pressure, this may also allow more careful and nuanced consideration of just what peer pressure implies for adolescent development. If pressure is not the primary mechanism of influence, then just what role does it serve, and what does it mean for an adolescent to feel pressured, particularly given that the experience of peer pressure has long been identified as one of the single greatest stressors adolescents report facing on a regular basis (Brown, Reference Brown 1982; Gao et al., Reference Gao, Liu, Yang and Wang 2021)?

Finally, recognizing the potentially benign or even positive overall role of peer influence suggests the need to more carefully examine other factors driving adolescent deviance. To the extent that many of the pathological processes leading to adolescent deviance may be seen more productively at the cultural level, as opposed to the individual level, this suggests focusing on just what it is about the larger adult culture and adolescent roles within it that drives these pathological processes.

We are persuaded by the argument that as teens have become cut off from meaningful contact with adult roles, we have created conditions where a subculture with values that have drifted away from those of the larger society can grow, like weeds on an unused plot of land. Notably, adolescents who are given the opportunity to meaningfully engage in volunteer community service (i.e., to take on adult-like roles) have shown nearly 50% decreases in rates of pregnancy and school failure in randomized trials (Allen et al., Reference Allen, Philliber, Herrling and Kuperminc 1997). More generally, late adolescents given opportunities to take on generic adult-like help giving roles display gains across domains ranging from subjective vitality to global self-esteem (Weinstein & Ryan, Reference Weinstein and Ryan 2010). Further research examining ways that engaging adolescents in adult roles may alter deviant norms is clearly warranted.

Implications for intervention

Although continued research into the sources and sequelae of stronger peer connections in adolescence is warranted, we are now at a point where a focus on intervention efforts is also likely to be productive. Such interventions need not be expensive or unwieldy. One of the most promising examples to date is Walton and Cohen’s (Reference Walton and Cohen 2011) project on social belonging. In this, project, entering college students were exposed to a one-hour intervention that focused on making clear that social belonging did not always come easily to college students, but that with time and a bit of effort and persistence things were likely to work out socially. In essence, the intervention implicitly encouraged students who may have been feeling left out to keep trying to fit in and not give up. Notably, this one-hour intervention produced effects three years later, in terms of both physical health and likelihood of college graduation for college first-years who were members of racial/ethnic minority groups.

A similar effect has been observed with a somewhat more intensive intervention designed to directly build stronger bonds among youth. The Connection Project is a semester-long intervention, with versions at both the high school and college level, in which students meet for about an hour each week in small groups led by trained facilitators (Allen et al., Reference Allen, Narr, Nagel, Costello and Guskin 2021; Costello, Nagel, Hunt, Rivens, et al., Reference Costello, Nagel, Hunt, Rivens, Hazelwood, Pettit and Allen 2022). The intervention seeks to recreate the conditions under which strong peer bonding sometimes happens naturally – but do so in a more replicable fashion. The program focuses on first building a sense of safety and security within a group. Then, through a graduated series of voluntary activities, it gives youths a chance to see just how much they share in common beneath the surface (but may be hesitant to show others). Ultimately, youths learn how to share their unique story with others and learn the value of doing so as they form strong bonds with former strangers. Results from multiple randomized trials suggest that the program not only helps youth rapidly build strong bonds, but also reduces their levels of loneliness and depressive symptoms (Costello et al., Reference Costello, Nagel, Hunt and Allen 2022; Costello, Nagel, Hunt, Rivens, et al., Reference Costello, Nagel, Hunt, Rivens, Hazelwood, Pettit and Allen 2022). For high school students in under-resourced schools, the program also increased academic engagement (Allen et al., Reference Allen, Narr, Nagel, Costello and Guskin 2021). The program has grown rapidly from the pilot stage to now serving a quarter of the incoming students at a major public university and is undergoing replication at both the high school and college levels.

As with the social belonging intervention, effects of The Connection Project are strongest for students who might otherwise be marginalized, whether via membership in an ethnic minority group or by virtue of coming from a family with lower levels of parental education or income. Among all of the other obstacles marginalized youth often face, the feelings of estrangement from the larger peer culture are less visible but no less prevalent. Yet as growing findings on the importance of social connection suggest, these experiences of estrangement may also be among the most devastating. Establishing strong peer connections among potentially marginalized youth is something that can happen within communities of these youth – it is empowerment in the truest sense of the term. It can also occur in heterogeneous groups, for example, in predominantly white institutions, in which case it provides a means by which potentially marginalized students can come to feel more integrated into the larger social world of the institution (Costello, Nagel, Hunt, Rivens, et al., Reference Costello, Nagel, Hunt, Rivens, Hazelwood, Pettit and Allen 2022). Continued efforts to develop these and similar interventions are clearly warranted.

Risk taking

Just as peer influence has been consistently tarred with a negative brush, so too has adolescent risk-taking behavior. Recent research has focused on dual systems brain models, noting the uneven maturation of the ventral striatum and the prefrontal cortex (likened to a car with a large gas pedal and weak brakes), and on fuzzy trace theories addressing the different ways adolescent and adult brains process information about risk (Edelson & Reyna, Reference Edelson and Reyna 2021; Strang et al., Reference Strang, Chein and Steinberg 2013). Yet, two largely untested assumptions are embedded in many instances of both lines of research. The first assumption is that heightened risk-taking in adolescence is primarily maladaptive. The second is that adolescents’ propensities for risk-taking are even substantially heightened relative to those of adults. Although others have previously noted the problematic nature of these assumptions (see e.g., Crone & van Duijvenvoorde, Reference Crone and van Duijvenvoorde 2021; Duell & Steinberg, Reference Duell and Steinberg 2021) reconsidering them here may be critical to understanding and addressing the changing manifestations of adolescent psychopathology over the past several decades.

The rewards of risk

We begin with a premise recognized in principle by many risk researchers, but given far less attention in practice: Risk taking in adolescence is not inherently problematic. Indeed, in some cases it can be argued that a heightened risk preference in adolescence (relative to adulthood) may even be quite adaptive. This need to consider context in assessing the adaptive or maladaptive nature of a behavior is a key principle of developmental psychopathology (Cicchetti, Reference Cicchetti 2016) that is particularly applicable in this case. Consider the following thought experiment: Imagine a typical 50-year-old offered a chance to greatly expand their intellectual and career horizons. The one catch is that this would require moving to a new city for several years, a city they had only briefly visited and where they knew no one. It would require living in a communal situation with complete strangers, with accommodations that were a significant step down from their current housing. And to truly gain the benefits of this opportunity, our 50-year-old would need to substantially increase their effort level, taking on harder and more challenging work than they’d ever experienced previously. In essence, they would be risking giving up the comforts of most all that they had known to that point for the promise of something better in the future. A pretty big risk.

This of course is precisely what a move to a residential college entails for many adolescents. What is striking is that while no doubt some adults would, with trepidation, accept the offer described above, the vast majority of adolescents who are given the opportunity eagerly jump into the college process. The level of tolerance of uncertainty required to go from one’s high school friends and community and room at home to a new city, new roommate and demanding new challenges is tremendous. The risks – academic failure, isolation and loneliness, social rejection – are huge.

Interestingly, much of adolescents’ apparent heightened risk preference relative to adults has been traced to exactly the type of tolerance for ambiguous situations that actions like college transitions require (Blankenstein et al., Reference Blankenstein, Huettel and Li 2021; Tymula et al., Reference Tymula, Rosenberg Belmaker, Roy, Ruderman, Manson, Glimcher and Levy 2012). Openness to this sort of risk can be highly functional as it is closely linked to openness to the possibility of substantial rewards (Ellis et al., Reference Ellis, Boyce, Belsky, Bakermans-Kranenburg and Van IJzendoorn 2011). The teen willing to try out for a sports team, for example, knowing that they have a decent chance of getting embarrassed by poor performance is an adaptive risk taker (Fischer & Smith, Reference Fischer and Smith 2004). If adolescents had the level of caution and risk aversion of most adults, many would likely forego some of the most promising opportunities available to them. Being willing to tolerate the possibility of failure appears critical to adolescents’ willingness to take on critical developmental challenges they face (Duell & Steinberg, Reference Duell and Steinberg 2021; Meyer & Turner, Reference Meyer and Turner 2006).

Although this college hypothetical applies primarily to the relatively privileged, adolescents from all strata face enormous uncertainty as they move out on their own. Taking on a first job, establishing intimate relationships, leaving home – these are all situations where the potential rewards are significant, but only if one is willing to run the risk of the punishing experiences that come with potential failures and setbacks. Indeed, much social interaction is likely to appear quite risky for teens who are just finding their way socially and who lack well-developed social skills. From this perspective, an orientation of the adolescent brain toward rewards and opportunities and away from a focus on negative outcomes no longer seems so dysfunctional.

We can also view adolescent risk preference in situations like these as an example of an “explore-exploit” tradeoff (Mehlhorn et al., Reference Mehlhorn, Newell, Todd, Lee, Morgan, Braithwaite, Hausmann, Fiedler and Gonzalez 2015). This tradeoff involves deciding when it is better to take advantage of known payoffs (i.e., exploit existing knowledge) vs. exploring potentially more lucrative but less certain options that may pay off over time. From an adolescent perspective, taking risks that can potentially open up new opportunities (from better careers to improved social status) can make a great deal of sense, particularly given the long time frame across which knowledge gained from taking such risks can pay off.

Looking more broadly, it is not hard to imagine that adolescent risk-taking may have even had significant survival value across evolutionary time (Duell & Steinberg, Reference Duell and Steinberg 2021). Whether it be long hunting forays, physical combat, or the risks of pregnancy and childbirth, adolescents needed to take significant risks simply to survive and to ensure the survival of their clan (Ellis et al., Reference Ellis, Boyce, Belsky, Bakermans-Kranenburg and Van IJzendoorn 2011). The idea that evolution left the human species with a multi-year period where an imbalance in brain development created heightened risk preference with little compensating reward seems unlikely from this perspective (Crone & Dahl, Reference Crone and Dahl 2012; Duell & Steinberg, Reference Duell and Steinberg 2021).

Learning how to thoughtfully take risks requires experience taking risks

Adolescence may also require some degree of risk taking simply to learn to develop competence in judging when risks do and do not make sense. Even risks that lead to substantial losses may provide information that is quite useful going forward. The adolescent who decides to ditch studying for an important test and then fails, or who decides to argue with a boss and then gets fired experiences highly informative (albeit painful) consequences. These consequences are likely far less detrimental, however, than the consequences of similar behaviors enacted later in life. Adolescence appears to be an optimal time to take these kinds of risks and learn from them (e.g., perhaps by finding a better way to motivate oneself to study or to more skillfully address conflict in future workplaces).

Yet, a legitimate question remains: Don’t adolescents engage in dangerous, even deadly behaviors because of their risk-taking propensities? Clearly adolescents do engage in such behaviors (Duell et al., Reference Duell, Steinberg, Icenogle, Chein, Chaudhary, Di Giunta, Dodge, Fanti, Lansford, Oburu, Pastorelli, Skinner, Sorbring, Tapanya, Uribe Tirado, Alampay, Al-Hassan, Takash, Bacchini and Chang2018), yet it is not always clear if this reflects a greater risk-taking propensity. A corollary to the idea of adolescents needing to gain risk-taking competence is that adolescents may make poor decisions regarding risks at times not because they are excessive risk takers, but simply due to ignorance and lack of risk-taking skill. Adolescence opens up immense new venues of potential risk and reward, from driving an automobile to engaging in romantic behavior (Mehlhorn et al., Reference Mehlhorn, Newell, Todd, Lee, Morgan, Braithwaite, Hausmann, Fiedler and Gonzalez2015). Adolescents may, due to inexperience, simply be poor at perceiving the risks in certain situations.

Not being fully cognizant of some risks after just learning to drive, for example, such as the existence of “black ice” on otherwise snowless roads, may lead to driving too fast for given conditions and possibly to an accident. Adolescent drivers do have high accident rates, but these decline dramatically after the first year of driving – a decline that is unlikely to be attributable to brain development over such a short span. Declining accident rates are no doubt partly due to skill improvements, but also to adolescents learning just what is and is not a substantial risk. For example, driving four miles per hour over the speed limit, though illegal, may be minimally risky on dry pavement with no traffic on a clear day, whereas driving even at or just below the speed limit on a snowy road at night may be quite risky. Having an accident because of failure to recognize this sort of distinction is unfortunate, but has little to do with risk-taking propensity.

Inaccurate perception of risk is thus likely to be quite important in understanding dangerous behaviors in adolescence, but it is conceptually distinct from a heightened risk preference (Edelson & Reyna, Reference Edelson and Reyna 2021). Adolescents may engage in quite dangerous behaviors, not out of a willingness to take risks, but rather out of simple ignorance. Notably, adult history is littered with examples of behaviors that look quite risky only in retrospect, ranging from Marie Curie’s early (and deadly) research on radioactivity to the hundreds of mishaps of adults’ first attempts to deep-fry a Thanksgiving turkey. All of these are situations where the dangerous behavior primarily reflects lack of comprehension of the risks faced.

In sum, adaptive risk taking is a skill (Blair et al., Reference Blair, Moyett, Bato, DeRosse and Karlsgodt 2018) and there are likely few eras better than adolescence to learn it. A significant degree of risk taking may thus be viewed as critical to learning and growing. Although our field at times does note that risk taking can be adaptive (Duell & Steinberg, Reference Duell and Steinberg 2021), we have made virtually no effort to study it from this vantage point. This oversight becomes particularly problematic as we look at the problems associated with the opposite of risk-taking preference: risk aversion, to which we now turn.

The problem of risk aversion

In modern society, evidence suggests that if anything our brain wiring is such that adult humans tend to be overly loss averse. In a wide variety of risk-reward studies, evidence suggests that adults value avoiding a loss to a greater extent than gaining an equivalent level of reward, even when logically this makes little sense. Identified as prospect theory, the finding is that losses matter more than equivalent gains when adults are making many types of decisions (Kahneman & Tversky, Reference Kahneman and Tversky 2013). As adolescents move into adulthood, this bias if anything may grow stronger (Reyna & Farley, Reference Reyna and Farley 2006).

Given the classic behavioral economics paradigm, for example, of being offered a 50% chance to win $100, but with a 50% chance to lose $80, a rational, expected-value analysis would suggest taking the bet. Most adults would not, however, and this risk averse bias can be observed even at the neural level (Barkley-Levenson et al., Reference Barkley-Levenson, Van Leijenhorst and Galván 2013). Perhaps somewhat surprisingly, adolescents do not differ from adults in this task. Both groups are overly loss sensitive. It has been suggested that it may be only in more arousing situations (e.g., around peers) that adolescent risk taking propensities increase (Figner et al., Reference Figner, Mackinlay, Wilkening and Weber 2009; Gardner & Steinberg, Reference Gardner and Steinberg 2005). Moving into these “hot” situations doesn’t necessarily turn adolescents into excessive risk takers; it may simply move them from being overly loss sensitive farther along a continuum toward a more neutral stance.

All of the examples above, both hypothetical and real, should also make clear that although adolescent risk taking is often equated with antisocial behavior, the two phenomena are quite distinct. Conversely, avoiding risks can often be problematic: The teen who starts smoking for fear that not to do so will seem uncool and risk rejection, or who rejects going to sleep-away camp because it seems too unfamiliar, or who never raises a hand in class for fear of looking dumb, is a maladaptive risk avoider. This risk avoider may even engage in highly antisocial behaviors, for example damaging a disliked peer’s possessions, though only when they are certain not to be caught. The implication of these examples is that we need to recognize dangerous and antisocial behaviors as such, and not just assume they are a manifestation of excessive risk preference. Similarly, we need to recognize that the positive risk taking we admire in both adolescence and adulthood may not be readily separable from a more general propensity toward risk-taking behavior that may at times also lead to problematic risks (Duell & Steinberg, Reference Duell and Steinberg 2020, Reference Duell and Steinberg 2021).

The example of the antisocial low risk teen also suggests another point: The true opposite of risk is not necessarily safety, it may be anxiety and avoidance. Notably, risk aversion has been identified as a central element of anxious and depressive symptoms (Chandrasekhar Pammi et al., Reference Chandrasekhar Pammi, Pillai Geethabhavan Rajesh, Kesavadas, Rappai Mary, Seema, Radhakrishnan and Sitaram 2015; Maner & Schmidt, Reference Maner and Schmidt 2006). Given soaring levels of anxiety and depression among adolescents, it seems quite plausible that adolescents’ increased risk aversion may be an important causal factor.

Over the past 25 years, adolescents in the United States have decreased their likelihood of engaging in multiple forms of risky behavior: They have fewer auto accidents, are less likely to get pregnant, less likely to use hard drugs, and less likely to engage in violent behavior. But, as already noted, they are also less likely to be driving, working for pay, or going out without parents (Twenge & Park, Reference Twenge and Park 2019). If these behavioral changes are indeed linked to adolescents as a group becoming more risk averse and thus more anxious, and depressed, this would suggest the need for a shift in our approach to understanding risk taking during this period. Interestingly, risk aversion has been linked to precisely the same brain areas (the ventral striatum, and prefrontal cortex) as risk preference, though of course in opposite directions (Tom et al., Reference Tom, Fox, Trepel and Poldrack 2007). This suggests the adolescent brain may not be badly imbalanced toward risk (an evolutionarily implausible outcome) but may rather be somewhat precariously balanced between risk and avoidance.

The changing manifestations of adolescent psychopathology over the past 25 years may reflect a shift in this precarious balance. Although cell phones and social media provide easy targets for those seeking to explain increases in adolescent depression, a broader shift toward risk aversion may more parsimoniously explain both increases in internalizing symptoms and decreases in externalizing symptoms over this period. A range of broad societal changes across this period could well account for this shift: Recent generations of adolescents have grown up in the wake of the terror attacks of 9/11, the worst financial crisis in almost a century, numerous breathlessly reported school shootings, and the recognition that climate change may make future life increasingly challenging. As the idea fades that each generation can simply expect to do better than the one that came before and the world looks increasingly dangerous and inhospitable, the need for caution so as not to fall off a narrow and precarious path to adulthood may take hold. Increasing risk aversion may thus be a natural and expectable response for many adolescents. It may even be a response which has some benefits in reducing dangerous adolescent behavior. Yet when carried to extremes it can also clearly become a source of significant internalizing psychopathology.

Do adolescents even take more risks?

Although the concept of adolescents as overly risk averse may seem counterintuitive given the stereotype of the risk-taking teen, there is actually good reason to question just how accurate this stereotype of the risk-taking teen has really ever been. There is, of course, no question that adolescents engage in certain types of self-destructive behavior more often than adults, though, as noted above, this is only weak evidence regarding their risk-taking propensities. Research has been surprisingly inconclusive about the extent to which adolescents actually do seek out more risk overall than adults across a variety of situations (Defoe et al., Reference Defoe, Dubas, Figner and van Aken 2015). For example, the presumed risk-taking bias of adolescents in the larger world tends to be not so easy to replicate under a broad range of more controlled conditions (Crone & van Duijvenvoorde, Reference Crone and van Duijvenvoorde 2021). If adolescents are not actually more risk seeking than adults, and if their risk aversion underlies some of their internalizing symptomatology, than seeking to increase that risk aversion may be exactly the wrong prescription for their well-being.

The idea that adolescents engage in more risk-taking behavior may partly reflect lack of recognition of the unique, adolescent-related risk-benefit tradeoffs that teens must typically make. Undoubtedly, much of the concern about adolescent risk-taking stems from observation of the sometimes devastating consequences of adolescent decisions that appear risky or irrational from an adult perspective. In thinking about whether these behaviors reflect a greater preference for risk, the key question is one of context: Are we fully recognizing the real risk and reward matrix that adolescents actually face? Without fully appreciating context, real-world risk is impossible to evaluate: Soldiers in a war zone likely engage in more risky behavior than office workers. This is not, however, because they prefer more risk but because the context forces them to make tradeoffs among highly risky options (e.g., attack vs. stay put).

One reason adolescent behavior may appear overly risky is that the costs and benefits of the various options open to the adolescent are often viewed only from an adult-centric vantage point. Peer relationships provide the clearest example of the type of unique cost benefit tradeoff teens must make. We know that in many situations the presence of peers increases an adolescent’s likelihood of taking risks (Crone & van Duijvenvoorde, Reference Crone and van Duijvenvoorde 2021). To date, this has largely been understood in terms of the presence of peers acting as an amplifier of an irrational adolescent preference for risk. The alternative perspective – that the presence of peers adds new risks and rewards, linked to peer approval and rejection, and that this does not imply dysfunction – has received far less attention. From an adolescent perspective, the teen considering using a drug or driving aggressively so as to maintain peer approval may not be making the decision that risk taking is worthwhile; rather that teen may be choosing which of two types of risks – peer rejection vs. auto accident – is most important to minimize in a given situation.

This might still seem like it should be a clear choice from an adult perspective. Yet, once we recognize that going against the norms of popular and influential peers has significant potential to undermine a teen’s school-wide reputation (Dijkstra & Gest, Reference Dijkstra and Gest 2015; Field et al., Reference Field, Choukas-Bradley, Giletta, Telzer, Cohen and Prinstein 2024) and that this is balanced against the low probability of an accident in any given instance, the equation becomes more complicated. As noted above, social rejection, exclusion, and loneliness create tremendous risks for adolescents, both physical and mental. Although an established adult with longstanding relationships may see the effects of potential embarrassment in front of peers as relatively minor, for an adolescent just beginning to establish intense relationships outside of the family, the possibility of losing face in front of a substantial portion of one’s peers is potentially devastating. Social rejection by peers and/or romantic partners is one of the leading potential causes of adolescent suicide (Cheek et al., Reference Cheek, Goldston, Erkanli, Massing-Schaffer and Liu 2020; Oppenheimer et al., Reference Oppenheimer, Silk, Lee, Dahl, Forbes, Ryan and Ladouceur 2020; Yadegarfard et al., Reference Yadegarfard, Meinhold-Bergmann and Ho 2014), and a clear driver of adolescent anxiety and depression. In recent years, adolescent suicide rates have risen such that they are now on a par with adolescent deaths due to auto accidents (National Centers for Injury Prevention and Control, 2022). Given this, where the greatest risks lie in the above scenario becomes less clear and unless we account for this sort of tradeoff, our analysis of the adolescent decision-making process will be invariably flawed.

Decisions about risk also do not just involve trading off between risks, they involve considering t he accompanying benefits that may follow risky decisions. In some cases, taking great risks can be highly rational: The investor pursuing a risky stock may take on the chance of losing their entire investment for the chance of quadrupling that investment. Such risky behavior undergirds much of American entrepreneurship and is highly valued in this context. The behavior involves risk but is also often highly functional. To the extent adolescents expect a net positive outcome from a risky behavior, pursuing that behavior is no longer a pure measure of risk-taking propensity (Edelson & Reyna, Reference Edelson and Reyna 2021). In adolescence and adulthood, for example, building esteem among one’s peers as someone brave and bold has clear short- and long-term value, both mentally and physically. The high levels of activation of the limbic system in adolescence, which have been linked to greater risk taking, may well largely reflect sensitivity to precisely this kind of positive social feedback from peers (Crone & Dahl, Reference Crone and Dahl 2012; Somerville, Reference Somerville 2013). The point here is simply that the value of succeeding with peers in adolescence creates substantial expected value which can rationally justify significant risk to achieve it, even among adolescents who have only modest levels of risk preference.

Implications for risk research

There are several implications of this analysis for future research on adolescent risk taking. First, we should stop assuming that the dangerous and destructive behaviors in which adolescents engage automatically reflect a heightened propensity to take risks. In some cases (e.g., ingesting a substance when told by a peer that everyone uses it and its fine), such behavior may primarily reflect ignorance of the actual risks involved and a desire for peer approval. The behavior is clearly problematic, but it may not reflect propensity toward risk taking. Until we stop reflexively conflating antisocial and/or dangerous behaviors with risk taking, it will be impossible to consider the ways in which high levels of risk taking can be good and low levels potentially problematic.

Recognizing that certain antisocial behaviors may not primarily reflect risk-taking propensities then also opens up avenues to study other drivers of these behaviors, such as alienation or impaired moral development (Malti et al., Reference Malti, Galarneau and Peplak 2021). Relatedly, expanding our efforts to understand positive risk taking may help both in identifying new avenues to promoting adolescent development as well as understanding the pathologies of anxious or depressed youth who maladaptively avoid taking even moderate positive risks, such as joining a club or trying a new sport (Duell & Steinberg, Reference Duell and Steinberg 2021)

This paper also suggests that a largely overlooked factor in the adolescent risk calculus is the importance of establishing and maintaining status with one’s peers. Simply considering the very real risks that peer interactions pose to the teen, both short- and long-term, will helpfully inform our understanding of the risk-benefit equation most teens must solve. Doing the careful work to understand and measure how adolescents perceive actual peer risks in various situations would be a good first step in this direction. In addition, if adolescents are rationally choosing to take physical risks because of the threat of losing peer approval, recognizing these peer risks as legitimate suggests a promising avenue for developing preventive interventions. We already know that simply educating adolescents about the risks of certain behaviors is often ineffective (e.g., teens already overestimate the risks of certain outcomes, such as acquiring HIV (Reyna & Farley, Reference Reyna and Farley 2006)). If teens are trading off peer risks vs. physical-safety risks, then one way to alter this calculus is to invest effort helping teens solidify key peer relationships such that they seem less tenuous.

Finally, we need to recognize that being a risk taker as a teen is not the same as being an excessive risk taker. Comfort with some degree of risk appears essential to surviving and thriving in adolescence. One way of understanding both the dramatic decreases in behaviors such as delinquent activity, drug use and unprotected sex, and the simultaneous increases in anxiety and depressive symptoms among youth over the past 25 years is to posit that as a cohort, adolescents have become far more risk averse.

This would imply that we consider studying risk aversion in adolescence with the same tenacity that we’ve studied risk preference thus far. We might ask whether failure to be open to moderate risks of discomfort (e.g., avoiding in-person get togethers with peers in favor of the safety of more circumscribed online interactions) is linked to the increase in internalizing behavior seen over the past several decades. Although it remains possible that a high degree of risk preference is in fact detrimental, this is an empirical question that cannot be answered if our measures of risk preference in real-world situations are always confounded with measures of antisocial behavior. We are making a fundamental error when we only measure risk in relation to dangerous behaviors and thus treat the risk averse teen as “healthy” without also considering the role of risk aversion and internalizing symptoms in our research.

Overarching recommendations for the field: toward a strengths-based approach

Understanding the adaptive functions of adolescent peer connections, peer influence, and risk taking is essential to beginning to understand the dramatic changes we’ve seen in the nature and expression of adolescent psychopathology in the past twenty-five years. This is consistent with the idea that a central focus of developmental psychopathology lies in understanding the boundary between normal and abnormal development (Cicchetti & Toth, Reference Cicchetti and Toth 2009).

As strong peer connections and peer influences have decreased, along with certain risky behaviors, the result has been not an increase in overall functioning, but a shift toward more internalizing symptomatology. Youths now take fewer risks and are less likely to engage in less externalizing behavior, but they are also much more likely to be lonely, anxious, and depressed. Rather than getting into trouble with friends and romantic partners, adolescents appear to be more likely to be sitting in their rooms and engaging with peers mainly via the relatively shallow channels available on most social media. This is safer in the very short-term, but not at all an obvious improvement in long-term health and development.

The emphasis of this article has been on where our research needs to move as a field to keep up with these changes, providing several overarching suggestions:

First, we need to recognize the value in adolescents connecting with and being socialized (i.e., influenced) by one’s peers. By doing so, we can more readily understand that while relative social isolation may reduce problem behaviors that often occur in the company of peers, it also sets adolescents up for anxiety and depression. We also need to recognize and explore more fully the potential value of thoughtful adolescent risk taking – and what leads some adolescents to pathologically avoid risk. This exploration will open up new avenues to understanding the internalizing pathologies that have become predominant in Western society. In sum, in recognizing that the most prevalent current manifestations of psychopathology in adolescence appear linked to lack of strong peer bonds and to risk aversion, we open up recognition of the need to address and enhance those bonds and encourage adaptive attitudes toward risk.

Before leaving this topic, it should be noted that although this paper has focused on adolescence at the population level, each of the principles discussed above applies particularly strongly and to the detriment of adolescents who are marginalized as a result of their race, ethnicity, social class, gender, sexuality or other factors. These teens are more likely to face rejection, more likely to end up depressed, more likely to face higher risks that they must choose between, and least likely to have easy, safe access to venues allowing them to experience strong social connections. Nonetheless, it is clear that these youth also have great, if often untapped, potential to thrive. Indeed, social connections may be one of the clearest routes to empowerment for these groups. Thus, it is also not surprising that the interventions which have successfully targeted social connection among youth have consistently found the strongest effects for youth who would otherwise be marginalized (Allen et al., Reference Allen, Narr, Nagel, Costello and Guskin 2021; Costello, Reference Costello, Pettit, Kansky, Hunt, Fowler, Alexander and Allen 2021; Walton & Cohen, Reference Walton and Cohen 2011). Research is now clearly needed to explore the ways that marginalization both limits opportunities for meaningful social connection and enhances potential consequences of risky behavior. At the same time, however, a strengths-based approach suggests the potential value of both connection and exploration (even if it entails some risk) for marginalized populations of adolescents.

Overall, adopting a strengths-based perspective is recommended as a way to understand the developmental psychopathology that exists in adolescence as a result of perturbations in otherwise normal and adaptive processes (Cicchetti & Rogosch, Reference Cicchetti and Rogosch 1996). Such an approach leads repeatedly to the same overarching observation: Many of the behaviors that appear dysfunctional and concerning in adolescence are actually linked to characteristics that also have strong, indeed critical import for adaptive development.

A critical unanswered question is why the field so often fails to recognize this, instead searching primarily for ways that typical adolescent behaviors and developmental progressions are maladaptive. It is hard to escape the conclusion that this failure may reflect a bias in how as a society we think about adolescents and thus in how we approach research on adolescent behavior. When the behavior of a group with relatively low social power, such as adolescents, is disturbing to the larger society, there is a strong human tendency to attribute its behavior to structural, even biological deficits inherent to membership in the group. The history of the search for such deficiencies in disfavored groups, whether disfavored due to race, ethnicity, gender, or sexuality is a long and unsavory one, yet it seems likely to also apply to adolescents in relation to the larger adult society. We make the ultimate correlation/causation error in attributing pathology or deficit to qualities of the adolescent era simply because adolescents as a group engage in behaviors that the larger society finds concerning.

Understanding adolescence from a strengths-based perspective means being particularly careful to pay attention to aspects of this stage of development that, even though sometimes leading to problematic outcomes, may be highly adaptive overall. Intense peer connections, peer influence, and risk taking provide some of the clearest examples of the way this perspective applies, but a little thought suggests other likely candidates also exist (e.g., rebellion, challenging social conventions, etc.). There is a common thread running through each of these points: Although our field has moved well beyond G. Stanley Hall’s conception of adolescents as hapless victims of their “raging hormones,” we still have work to do in moving from a deficit focus on adolescence, to fully recognizing and capitalizing upon the immense potential of this developmental stage.

Abstract

The ways that psychopathology manifests in adolescence have shifted dramatically over the past twenty-five years, with rates of many externalizing behaviors declining substantially while rates of anxiety and depressive disorders have skyrocketed. This paper argues that understanding these changes requires rethinking the field’s historically somewhat negative views of intense peer connections, peer influences, and adolescent risk-taking behavior. It is argued that intense peer connections are critical to development, and that peer influence and risk taking have important, often overlooked, adaptive components. The shift in observed manifestations of adolescent psychopathology over this period can be viewed at least partly in terms of a shift away from strong peer connections and toward greater risk aversion. Implications for research and intervention based on a focus on the adaptive aspects of peer influences and risk taking are discussed.

Summary

Over the past 25 years, significant shifts have occurred in adolescent mental health within the United States. While externalizing behaviors, such as teen pregnancy, alcohol abuse, and juvenile arrests, have dramatically decreased, a countervailing trend reveals a substantial increase in internalizing disorders, including depression and anxiety. This juxtaposition necessitates a multifaceted examination of adolescent development, moving beyond solely intrapsychic analyses. This paper proposes a reassessment of the positive contributions of intense peer connections, peer influence, and adolescent risk-taking behaviors to address this evolving landscape of adolescent psychopathology.

The Critical Importance of Peer Connections

The profound impact of peer relationships on adolescent development and long-term well-being is increasingly evident. While the intensity of these relationships has often been viewed negatively, emerging evidence suggests that a lack of strong peer connections constitutes a significant risk factor for mental and physical health problems. High rates of adolescent loneliness, coupled with reduced in-person social interaction, highlight a concerning trend. Research indicates that the absence of strong peer relationships in adolescence is a stronger predictor of future mental health issues than concurrent adolescent symptomatology. Furthermore, poor friendship quality is linked to increased inflammation, poorer physical health, and accelerated epigenetic aging. These findings underscore the fundamental role of social connection in adolescent development and overall well-being, emphasizing the importance of high-quality, intense close friendships.

Reconsidering the Role of Peer Influence

The prevailing negative connotation surrounding peer influence requires reconsideration. This necessitates acknowledging the frequent misattribution of concerning behaviors to peer influence, overlooking underlying individual or cultural factors. Additionally, the symmetrical nature of peer influence must be recognized, as it can exert both positive and negative effects on behavior. Finally, the role of peer influence in socialization and adaptation to societal norms requires acknowledgement, emphasizing its importance for successful adulthood.

Deviant Peer or Problematic Culture?

The pervasive focus on peer influence as a primary driver of adolescent deviance is challenged. Research suggests that negative peer influence often presupposes pre-existing pathology within the peer network or broader cultural norms. A crucial distinction is made between the “pathogen” (e.g., deviant cultural norms) and the “contagion” process (peer influence). The observed disconnect between adolescent and adult norms may stem from the increasing detachment of adolescents from meaningful interactions with the adult world, leading to the development of a subculture with values that deviate from adult societal norms. This cultural discrepancy, rather than peer influence per se, may be the primary factor driving adolescent deviance.

Peer Influence as a Positive Socializing Force

Peer influence, often viewed negatively, demonstrates a symmetrical nature, capable of both promoting maladaptive and adaptive behaviors. Research highlights instances where peer influence fosters positive outcomes, particularly in areas where individuals may not directly experience the consequences of their actions. Longitudinal studies support this perspective, showing that readily influenced adolescents often exhibit positive relationships with their mothers and greater peer likability. Furthermore, behaviors often considered “pack behaviors”, such as being perceived as a follower, are linked to enhanced physical health in adulthood. Becoming well-socialized necessitates receptiveness to peer influence; therefore, this influence, while potentially leading to problematic behaviors, represents a vital aspect of social development.

Peer Pressure is Not the Same as Peer Influence

The frequent conflation of peer influence and peer pressure is addressed. Evidence suggests that much peer influence occurs not through pressure, but as a means to enhance social status and personal power. While peer pressure can lead to negative outcomes in certain contexts (e.g., coercive environments among deviant peers), most peer influence does not involve coercion. Research shows a positive correlation between higher levels of peer influence and lower levels of peer pressuring behavior, underscoring the importance of differentiating these concepts.

Implications for Peer Relationship Research and Intervention

Future research should prioritize understanding the factors influencing the establishment of deep relationships. While concerns exist about social media's impact on adolescent mental health, the focus should shift from time spent online to the time not spent in meaningful in-person interactions. Additionally, all research on peer influence should explicitly consider the symmetrical nature of influence, avoiding assumptions about its directionality. Examining areas where influence is asymmetrically positive could identify domains where peer influence can be strategically encouraged. Finally, research should explore the cultural factors driving adolescent deviance, considering how engaging adolescents in adult-like roles might alter deviant norms.

Effective interventions, like the social belonging intervention and The Connection Project, demonstrate the potential to foster strong peer connections and mitigate loneliness and depressive symptoms. These interventions highlight the importance of creating safe and supportive environments where adolescents can connect and share their experiences, leading to positive outcomes.

Risk Taking

The prevailing negative perception of adolescent risk-taking requires reassessment. This necessitates acknowledging that risk-taking is not inherently problematic and can, in certain contexts, be adaptive. The tolerance of uncertainty associated with risk-taking facilitates access to opportunities and personal growth. This perspective views risk-taking as an essential skill developed through experience, enabling adolescents to learn from both successes and failures.

The Rewards of Risk

Risk-taking in adolescence is not inherently maladaptive; instead, it can facilitate personal and professional growth. The willingness to tolerate uncertainty and potential failure is crucial for navigating developmental challenges and achieving significant rewards. This behavior aligns with the “explore-exploit” tradeoff, where adolescents prioritize exploring potentially lucrative options over exploiting known payoffs. Furthermore, an evolutionary perspective suggests that adolescent risk-taking may have had significant survival value, highlighting its adaptive function.

Learning How to Thoughtfully Take Risks Requires Experience Taking Risks

Adolescent risk-taking is vital for developing competence in evaluating risk and reward. Even risks leading to losses provide valuable learning experiences. The potential negative consequences of risky behaviors are often less severe during adolescence, making it an ideal time for learning and growth. However, adolescents may engage in dangerous behaviors due to poor risk perception rather than an inherent preference for risk-taking.

The Problem of Risk Aversion

Modern society exhibits an overemphasis on loss aversion, especially among adults. While adolescents do not differ from adults in loss-sensitive tasks, a heightened risk aversion could contribute to increased rates of anxiety and depression. Risk aversion, rather than excessive risk-taking, may be a significant factor contributing to the rise in internalizing symptoms.

Do Adolescents Even Take More Risks?

The stereotype of the risk-taking adolescent warrants re-evaluation. Studies show inconclusive evidence that adolescents systematically seek out more risk than adults across various situations. This apparent discrepancy may reflect a failure to account for the unique risk-benefit tradeoffs inherent in adolescence. The focus should also be on adolescent perceptions of risk and how they weigh various risks (e.g., peer approval vs physical safety).

Implications for Risk Research

Future research should avoid assuming that dangerous behavior automatically reflects heightened risk-taking propensity. It should examine other contributing factors, such as alienation or impaired moral development. Additionally, it should explore the positive aspects of risk-taking and the negative impact of risk aversion. The crucial role of peer relationships in shaping adolescent risk perception and behavior requires more attention. It is also important to investigate the potential link between risk aversion and rising rates of anxiety and depression among adolescents.

Overarching Recommendations for the Field: Toward a Strengths-Based Approach

Understanding the adaptive functions of adolescent peer connections, peer influence, and risk-taking is essential. A strengths-based approach recognizes that behaviors sometimes deemed dysfunctional can be linked to characteristics crucial for adaptive development. Research should shift from a deficit-focused approach to one that acknowledges and capitalizes on the immense potential of adolescence. This necessitates considering the impact of marginalization on access to social connections and risk-taking behaviors. A strengths-based approach emphasizes the importance of recognizing and supporting the adaptive aspects of adolescence, rather than solely focusing on its potential pitfalls.

Abstract

The ways that psychopathology manifests in adolescence have shifted dramatically over the past twenty-five years, with rates of many externalizing behaviors declining substantially while rates of anxiety and depressive disorders have skyrocketed. This paper argues that understanding these changes requires rethinking the field’s historically somewhat negative views of intense peer connections, peer influences, and adolescent risk-taking behavior. It is argued that intense peer connections are critical to development, and that peer influence and risk taking have important, often overlooked, adaptive components. The shift in observed manifestations of adolescent psychopathology over this period can be viewed at least partly in terms of a shift away from strong peer connections and toward greater risk aversion. Implications for research and intervention based on a focus on the adaptive aspects of peer influences and risk taking are discussed.

Summary

Over the past 25 years, a paradoxical trend has emerged in adolescent mental health in the United States. While externalizing behaviors like teen pregnancy, alcohol abuse, and juvenile arrests have significantly decreased, internalizing problems such as depression and anxiety have dramatically increased. This shift necessitates a multi-level analysis of adolescent development, moving beyond purely intrapsychic perspectives. This paper argues for a reevaluation of the roles of peer connections, peer influence, and risk-taking in adolescent well-being.

The Critical Importance of Peer Connections

The intensity of adolescent peer relationships, often viewed negatively, is now understood as fundamentally linked to long-term mental and physical health. A lack of strong peer connections, evidenced by rising rates of adolescent loneliness, is a significant risk factor for various mental and physical health problems, even predicting future depressive symptoms and anxiety more strongly than concurrent symptoms. Poor quality friendships are linked to increased inflammation, poorer physical health, and accelerated epigenetic aging. High-quality, intense close friendships, rather than broad popularity, are crucial predictors of positive adult outcomes, fostering empathy and support-seeking behaviors. The key social problem appears to be the absence, not the intensity, of these bonds.

Reconsidering the Role of Peer Influence

The field's negative view of peer influence is challenged. Many instances of seemingly negative peer influence result from pre-existing individual or cultural deviancy, not peer influence itself. The focus should shift from peer influence as a primary cause to the underlying adolescent culture whose norms deviate from adult societal expectations. This cultural disconnect, potentially stemming from prolonged adolescence and limited access to meaningful adult roles, may explain much adolescent deviance.

Deviant Peer or Problematic Culture?

Research on well-liked adolescents who subsequently engaged in substance use highlighted the role of adolescent culture in normalizing such behaviors. The disconnect between adolescent and adult norms may be attributed to adolescents' reduced engagement with adult roles and responsibilities, leading to a subculture with norms differing from adult society. Evidence from anthropological studies supports this, showing a correlation between adolescent integration into adult life and reduced delinquency. The problem isn’t necessarily peer influence, but the culture creating the influence.

Peer Influence as a Positive Socializing Force

Peer influence is often symmetrical, impacting both maladaptive and adaptive behaviors. Peer influence can be positive, facilitating engagement in prosocial activities and environmental stewardship. Studies show that readily influenced adolescents, characterized by good relationships with mothers and high peer likability, exhibited both positive and negative influence effects symmetrically. "Pack behaviors," initially perceived negatively, predict better physical health outcomes in adulthood, highlighting the adaptive value of social harmony. Becoming well-socialized involves receptivity to peer influence, which, while sometimes leading to problematic behaviors, is crucial for social development.

Peer Pressure is Not the Same as Peer Influence

Peer pressure, often conflated with peer influence, is a distinct phenomenon. While coercive deviancy-training behaviors among deviant peers lead to increased deviance, most peer influence does not involve coercion. In normative samples, high peer influence correlates with low peer pressure. The focus should be on distinguishing between peer influence and peer pressure to fully grasp their impact on adolescent development.

Implications for Peer Relationship Research

Future research should focus on the quality of peer relationships, examining how factors like social media use affect the potential for deep connections. The impact of social media might be better understood as a displacement of time spent on more valuable in-person interactions. All research on peer influence should consider its symmetrical nature, avoiding assumptions about unidirectional effects. Identifying areas of asymmetrical influence, where peer influence primarily steers toward adaptive behaviors, is crucial. Further investigation into peer pressure's role and the experience of feeling pressured is also warranted. Examining factors driving adolescent deviancy at the cultural level, rather than solely the individual level, is essential.

Implications for Intervention

Interventions targeting social belonging and connection have shown promising results. Walton and Cohen's social belonging intervention yielded lasting positive effects, while The Connection Project effectively builds strong peer bonds, reducing loneliness and depressive symptoms. Both interventions demonstrate stronger effects for marginalized youth, highlighting the importance of fostering social connections within and across communities.

Risk Taking

The field’s understanding of adolescent risk-taking needs reconsideration. The assumption that heightened risk-taking is inherently maladaptive is challenged, as risk-taking can be adaptive, facilitating exploration and the acquisition of valuable skills. The commonly held view that adolescents are inherently more risk-prone than adults is also questioned.

The Rewards of Risk

Risk-taking is not inherently problematic; it can be highly adaptive. The willingness to tolerate uncertainty, demonstrated by adolescents' eagerness to pursue higher education, highlights the adaptive nature of risk tolerance. Such willingness often leads to rewarding opportunities. Adolescent risk preference is seen as an “explore-exploit” trade-off, maximizing potential long-term gains. Evolutionary perspectives suggest that adolescent risk-taking may have provided survival advantages.

Learning How to Thoughtfully Take Risks Requires Experience Taking Risks

Risk-taking is a skill developed through experience. Even risky decisions resulting in negative consequences provide valuable learning opportunities. Adolescence is a relatively low-stakes time for taking risks, especially compared to adulthood. Poor adolescent risk decisions are often attributed to inaccurate perception of risk rather than excessive risk preference.

The Problem of Risk Aversion

Modern society's trend toward risk aversion, possibly amplified in adulthood, is concerning. Excessive risk aversion, particularly in adolescents, is linked to anxiety and depression. The simultaneous decrease in externalizing behaviors and increase in internalizing symptoms suggests a shift toward risk aversion as a cohort phenomenon.

Do Adolescents Even Take More Risks?

The stereotype of the risk-taking teen is challenged. Research indicates that adolescents are not necessarily more risk-seeking than adults across various situations. Perceived risky adolescent behaviors might stem from a lack of recognition of adolescent-specific risk-benefit trade-offs. Adult assessments of risk may not fully appreciate the context and unique challenges faced by adolescents. The significance of peer approval and social rejection needs more careful consideration.

Implications for Risk Research

The field should stop assuming that dangerous behaviors automatically reflect excessive risk preference. It is important to recognize the distinct role of risk perception, peer dynamics, and situational factors. Studying positive risk-taking is crucial. The influence of peer dynamics in risk calculations should be further investigated. Considering risk aversion in adolescence as seriously as risk preference is vital, and recognizing risk-averse behaviors might be linked to internalizing issues.

Overarching Recommendations for the Field: Toward a Strengths-Based Approach

Understanding the adaptive functions of peer connections, peer influence, and risk-taking is critical. Decreased peer connections and increased risk aversion have led to a shift toward internalizing symptoms, not improved well-being. A strengths-based approach emphasizes the adaptive potential of often-misunderstood adolescent behaviors, such as peer connections, influence, and risk-taking, and challenges assumptions underlying the study of these aspects of development. Focusing on fostering meaningful social connections and encouraging adaptive risk-taking is essential for promoting healthy adolescent development. The impact of marginalization on these processes requires further investigation.

Abstract

The ways that psychopathology manifests in adolescence have shifted dramatically over the past twenty-five years, with rates of many externalizing behaviors declining substantially while rates of anxiety and depressive disorders have skyrocketed. This paper argues that understanding these changes requires rethinking the field’s historically somewhat negative views of intense peer connections, peer influences, and adolescent risk-taking behavior. It is argued that intense peer connections are critical to development, and that peer influence and risk taking have important, often overlooked, adaptive components. The shift in observed manifestations of adolescent psychopathology over this period can be viewed at least partly in terms of a shift away from strong peer connections and toward greater risk aversion. Implications for research and intervention based on a focus on the adaptive aspects of peer influences and risk taking are discussed.

Summary

Over the past 25 years, adolescent mental health in the U.S. has shown a dramatic decrease in externalizing behaviors like teen pregnancy, alcohol abuse, and juvenile arrests. However, rates of depression and anxiety have simultaneously increased significantly. This paradoxical situation requires a multi-level analysis of adolescent development, moving beyond solely internal psychological factors. This paper argues for a reconsideration of the positive value of strong peer connections and the adaptive aspects of adolescent risk-taking.

The Critical Importance of Peer Connections

Strong peer relationships are fundamentally linked to long-term mental and physical health. A lack of strong connections is a significant risk factor for various problems, including depression, anxiety, poor academic performance, and even faster aging. Research shows that the absence of strong peer relationships in adolescence predicts future mental health issues more strongly than concurrent symptoms. The intensity of adolescent peer relationships, often viewed negatively, may be crucial for healthy development, fostering empathy and support-seeking skills necessary for healthy adulthood. The current lack of strong peer connections among adolescents is a serious concern.

Reconsidering the Role of Peer Influence

The negative connotation often associated with peer influence needs reconsideration. First, attributing concerning behavior solely to peer influence overlooks underlying individual or cultural factors. Second, peer influence is often symmetrical, affecting both positive and negative behaviors. Third, peer influence is essential for socialization and adapting to societal norms. Deviant peer behavior may reflect a broader adolescent culture clashing with adult societal values. A lack of integration of adolescents into the adult world, such as limited adult roles and responsibilities, may contribute to this cultural divergence.

Deviant Peer or Problematic Culture?

Often, negative peer influence reflects pre-existing pathology within the peer group or broader norms. Peer influence is a symptom, not the core problem. This is analogous to a contagious illness, where the pathogen (e.g., a culture valuing deviance), not the transmission method (e.g., peer interaction), is the primary pathology. Research shows that well-liked adolescents are more likely to engage in risky behavior, not because of influence alone, but because these behaviors are valued within adolescent culture. A potential solution might be to increase adolescent participation in adult-like roles and responsibilities.

Peer Influence as a Positive Socializing Force

Peer influence is not inherently negative; it can be beneficial in promoting positive behaviors like environmental awareness. Studies show that adolescents easily influenced by peers often have positive relationships with parents and high peer likability. “Pack behaviors,” such as being a follower, are also predictive of better physical health. Socialization requires receptiveness to peer influence; the problem often lies in the cultural norms being influenced.

Peer Pressure is Not the Same as Peer Influence

Peer pressure, distinct from peer influence, is coercive and can have negative consequences. However, research suggests that most peer influence is not driven by coercion, but by the desire to enhance social status. Coercive environments, whether familial or peer-based, can lead to psychopathology, but this is distinct from peer influence itself.

Implications for Peer Relationship Research

Research should focus on how social media use impacts the ability to establish deep relationships, differentiating shallow versus meaningful interactions. All research on peer influence should account for its symmetrical nature, exploring both positive and negative influences. Further exploration is needed to understand how peer pressure impacts adolescent development. Research must investigate the cultural factors contributing to adolescent deviancy, rather than focusing solely on individual-level factors.

Implications for Intervention

Effective and low-cost interventions can target social connection. Walton and Cohen's social belonging intervention shows long-term positive effects on mental and physical health and college graduation rates. The Connection Project, a group-based intervention focused on building strong peer bonds, reduces loneliness and depressive symptoms and improves academic engagement, particularly among marginalized students. Continued development of these and similar interventions is crucial.

Risk Taking

Research on adolescent risk-taking often assumes it is primarily maladaptive and significantly heightened compared to adults. This paper challenges these assumptions by arguing that risk-taking, in some contexts, can be highly adaptive. A willingness to take risks is necessary for personal and professional growth.

The Rewards of Risk

Risk-taking in adolescence is not inherently problematic; it can be adaptive. The willingness to tolerate uncertainty is crucial for navigating developmental challenges like college transitions. Risk-taking allows for exploration and potentially higher rewards, representing an "explore-exploit" tradeoff. Evolutionary perspectives suggest that risk-taking played a vital role in human survival.

Learning How to Thoughtfully Take Risks Requires Experience Taking Risks

Adolescence is a crucial period for developing risk-taking competence through experience. Even failed risks can provide valuable lessons. However, adolescents may engage in dangerous behaviors not due to excessive risk-taking, but due to ignorance of actual risks.

The Problem of Risk Aversion

Modern society may foster excessive risk aversion in adults, leading to a bias against losses over gains. This may also be increasing in adolescents and contribute to rising internalizing symptoms.

Do Adolescents Even Take More Risks?

The stereotype of the risk-taking teen may be inaccurate. Research suggests adolescents may not be more risk-seeking than adults across various situations. Adolescent behaviors that seem risky may reflect unique adolescent-related risk-benefit tradeoffs.

Implications for Risk Research

Research should move beyond assuming that dangerous behaviors equate to high risk-taking propensity. It's crucial to understand both the adaptive and maladaptive aspects of risk-taking. The influence of peer relationships on risk perception should be further studied, acknowledging the significant social risks adolescents face.

Overarching Recommendations for the Field: Toward a Strengths-Based Approach

Understanding the adaptive functions of peer connections, peer influence, and risk-taking is crucial for understanding changes in adolescent psychopathology. A strengths-based approach emphasizes the adaptive aspects of seemingly dysfunctional behaviors. Decreased peer connections and increased risk aversion contribute to rising internalizing symptoms. Interventions targeting social connection yield the strongest effects among marginalized youth.

Abstract

The ways that psychopathology manifests in adolescence have shifted dramatically over the past twenty-five years, with rates of many externalizing behaviors declining substantially while rates of anxiety and depressive disorders have skyrocketed. This paper argues that understanding these changes requires rethinking the field’s historically somewhat negative views of intense peer connections, peer influences, and adolescent risk-taking behavior. It is argued that intense peer connections are critical to development, and that peer influence and risk taking have important, often overlooked, adaptive components. The shift in observed manifestations of adolescent psychopathology over this period can be viewed at least partly in terms of a shift away from strong peer connections and toward greater risk aversion. Implications for research and intervention based on a focus on the adaptive aspects of peer influences and risk taking are discussed.

Summary

Over the past 25 years, there have been big changes in the mental health of teens in the U.S. Good news: Things like teen pregnancy and alcohol abuse have gone down a lot. But the bad news is that depression and anxiety have gone way up. This makes it a confusing time for teens.

The critical importance of peer connections

Teens care deeply about their friends, and this is important for their health. Strong friendships help teens feel better and do better in school and work later in life. Sadly, many teens are feeling lonely, spending less time with friends in person, leading to problems as adults.

Reconsidering the role of peer influence

Sometimes people blame bad behavior on bad influences from friends. But it's more about the culture of the group than just bad influence. Teens are socialized by their friends, and this can be good or bad, depending on what's considered normal in their group. Teens often try to act like they’re all grown up, but when it is hard to find ways to take on adult roles, they turn to less mature behaviors. Peer influence isn't always bad and can be helpful.

Implications for peer relationship research

Studies on social media and teen mental health should look at how much time kids don't spend with real-life friends, rather than just how much time they spend online. It’s also important to look at if teens are encouraged by friends to do good things as well as bad things. We need to study the ways teens become more like their friends, understanding that sometimes this is a good thing.

Implications for intervention

Simple programs that help teens feel included and build strong friendships can make a big difference in their mental health, especially for teens who feel left out.

Risk taking

Teens tend to take more risks than adults, which is often seen as a bad thing. But some risk-taking is actually good. It helps teens learn and grow.

The rewards of risk

Teens are willing to take risks because they want to explore new things and try new challenges. Going to college, for example, is risky, but it can lead to great things. Teen risk-taking isn't always bad; it can help them succeed.

Learning how to thoughtfully take risks requires experience taking risks

Taking risks helps teens learn how to judge whether risks are worth taking. Even when a risky decision is bad, they still learn from it.

The problem of risk aversion

Adults often avoid risks more than they should, but teens are not so different. Avoiding risks entirely can be harmful because teens might miss out on important experiences and learning to manage risk.

Do adolescents even take more risks?

It's not always clear if teens take more risks than adults. They may seem risky because we view the situation differently from the teens’ perspective. Teens weigh different things (like what their friends think) when they decide whether to take a risk.

Implications for risk research

We need to understand that risky behavior isn't always about liking risk; it can be about other things, like peer pressure or a lack of understanding. It’s important to understand teens' motivations in order to understand the risks and rewards they are deciding between.

Overarching recommendations for the field: toward a strengths-based approach

Many problems teens face are connected to a lack of strong friendships and a tendency to avoid risks. We need to study the positive aspects of teens’ friendships and willingness to take some risks. A strengths-based approach focuses on what is good about adolescence, not just what is bad.

Highlights