Epidemiological data show that racial and ethnic minorities are at highest risk for the onset of depression between ages 18 and 25 (Algería et al. 2007; Kim & Choi 2010; & Williams et al. 2007), a period known as emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2000). Although racial and ethnic minorities tend to be at lower risk of experiencing depressive symptoms, in general, compared to White individuals (Riolo, Nguyen, Greden & King, 2005), the 12-month prevalence of depression is higher for racial and ethnic minorities compared to White individuals (Kessler et al., 2003). Given this risk, it is important to understand whether culturally related experiences prevalent among racial/ethnic minorities, such as perceived discrimination (Kessler, Mickelson & Williams, 1999; Landrine, Klonoff, Corral, Fernandez, & Roesch, 2006; Perez, Fortuna & Alegría, 2008), impact vulnerability to depressive symptoms in racial/ethnic minority emerging adults. Considering the compelling evidence linking perceived discrimination to negative mental health outcomes, particularly depression (Chou, Asnaani & Hofmann, 2012; Pascoe & Richman, 2009; Williams, Neighbors & Jackson, 2003), the need to understand the mechanisms behind this relation becomes more pressing.

Maladaptive cognitive responses to negative moods, such as rumination, have been found to prolong and exacerbate depressive symptoms (see Nolen-Hoeksema, Wisco, & Lyubormisky 2008). However, such research has not typically examined racial and ethnic differences in the relation between cognitive risk factors and depressive symptoms, nor have culturally-related factors known to increase vulnerability to depression among racial and ethnic minorities typically been examined in conjunction with cognitive risk factors, with some recent exceptions in rumination (Borders & Liang, 2011; Chang, Tsai, & Sanna, 2010; Hatzenbuehler, Nolen-Hoeksema, & Dovidio, 2009) and hopelessness (Hirsch, Visser, Chang & Jeglic, 2012; Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013). Previous research has found that perceived discrimination is associated with ruminative thinking (Borders & Liang, 2011; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2009). Nonetheless, no research of which we are aware has examined the association between perceptions of discrimination and the different subtypes of rumination – i.e., brooding and reflection – nor whether these subtypes differentially explain the relation between perceived discrimination and symptoms of depression. Along with such risk factors, recent research has revealed the importance of understanding culturally related factors, such as ethnic identity, that may be protective against the emergence of depressive symptoms (Greene, Way & Pahl, 2006; Torres & Ong, 2010, Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013). Despite our knowledge of cognitive and culturally related risk factors for depression, there is little information about the interplay between them. A better understanding of this relation is one avenue through which to combat depression in emerging adults from racial/ethnic minority backgrounds. The present research thus sought to address this gap in the literature by examining the interplay between culturally related and cognitive factors in explaining vulnerability to depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minority, compared to White, emerging adults.

Rumination and Risk for Depression

Rumination is a cognitive response style employed during distress that is characterized as a repetitive focus on one’s dysphoric mood and on the “…causes and consequences…” of that dysphoric mood (Nolen-Hoeksema, Wisco, & Lyubomirsky, 2008, p. 410). Rumination is associated with the onset and chronicity of depression over time (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2000). In addition, it is associated with mental inflexibility, difficulty in finding solutions to problems, and decreased optimism about the future – factors that are also known to be associated with depression (Davis & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2000; Lyubomirsky & Nolen-Hoeksema, 1995). Treynor and colleagues (Treynor, Gonzalez & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2003) have identified two subtypes of rumination. The first, termed brooding, involves dwelling on one’s dysphoric mood. Brooding is considered a maladaptive form of rumination, because it is associated with negative symptom outcomes, such as increases in depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation, concurrently and over time (Burwell & Shirk, 2007; Miranda & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2007; O’Connor & Noyce, 2008; Treynor et al., 2003). The second form of rumination, termed reflective pondering, or reflection, involves attempts to try to understand the reasons for one’s dysphoric mood. It is considered a more adaptive form of rumination, and it is associated with decreases in depressive symptoms over time (Burwell & Shirk, 2007; Treynor et al., 2003). However, recent studies provide a mixed view of reflective rumination, given that it has also been found to be associated with higher symptoms of depression among college students low in active coping (Marroquín, Fontes, Scilletta, & Miranda, 2010), and with suicidal ideation among emerging adults with a history of a suicide attempt (Surrence, Miranda, Marroquín, & Chan, 2009). It has also been found to predict higher risk for suicidal ideation over time, independently of depression (Miranda & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2007).

There is evidence to suggest racial/ethnic differences in the relation between rumination and depression. For example, Chang and colleagues (2010) found that Asian American college students were more likely to ruminate compared to European American college students, and they also reported a weaker concurrent association between rumination and depressive symptoms among Asian Americans than among European Americans. At the same time, rumination was more uniquely associated with depressive symptoms among Asian Americans than it was among European American individuals, when adjusting for other factors such as positive and negative affectivity. In comparison, Borders and Liang (2011) found that rumination partially mediated the concurrent relation between perceived discrimination and measures of psychological distress, including depressive symptoms, among racial/ethnic minority college students but not among White college students.1 That is, perceived discrimination was positively associated with depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minority students – but not among White students – and this discrimination-depression relation was partially explained by rumination (Borders & Liang, 2011). There is also evidence of an age difference in rumination, with younger adults (e.g., 25–35 year-olds) ruminating more than older adults (Nolen-Hoeksema & Aldao, 2011). Such findings call for a deeper examination of how culturally related factors may combine with ruminative thinking to impact risk for depressive symptoms in emerging adulthood.

Perceived Discrimination and Risk for Depression

Researchers suggest that experiences of racial and ethnic discrimination are highly prevalent among racial/ethnic minorities, with younger age groups (i.e., 18–44 year-olds), reporting more perceived discrimination than older age groups (e.g., ages 45 and above) (Kessler et al, 1999; Perez et al., 2008). For example, Perez and colleagues (2008) found that about 50% of Latinos between ages 18 and 24 from a nationally representative sample reported experiencing moderate to high levels of discrimination, compared to 26% or less of individuals ages 45 and above. Harrell (2000) suggests that racial/ethnic discrimination is a manifestation of racism on an interpersonal level, and while overt displays of discrimination are harmful, ambiguous situations in which discrimination is implicit can be just as harmful. Perceived discrimination is a culturally related stressor, in that it is a source of stress that is culturally bound and involves a subjective experience of prejudiced treatment as a result of an individual’s racial/ethnic group affiliation. Hence, it is a culturally related stressor comparable to negative life events or daily hassles (Landrine & Klonoff, 1996), but it is related to depressive symptoms independently of general negative life events (Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013). Perceived discrimination is more strongly associated with psychiatric symptoms among racial and ethnic minorities, compared to White individuals (Landrine et al., 2006). It has been linked to symptoms of depression in African Americans (Kessler et al, 1999; Sellers & Shelton, 2003), Latinos (Torres & Ong, 2010; Hwang & Goto, 2008), and Asian Americans (Gee, Spencer, Chen, Yip & Takeuchi, 2007; Hwang & Goto, 2008). It has also been found to be associated with increases in symptoms of depression over time (Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013). While the evidence linking perceived discrimination to increased risk for depression expands, the availability of empirical data to explain this link remains scarce. Recently, researchers have found a positive association between perceived discrimination and cognitive risk factors for depression. For example, it is positively associated with rumination (Borders & Liang, 2011; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2009) and with hopelessness (Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013). In a daily diary study of African American and of lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) participants, Hatzenbuehler and colleagues (2009) found that discrimination-related stress predicted greater negative affect over the course of 10 days, and that this relation was mediated by brooding rumination (but not by emotional suppression). While these findings offer a glimpse into the interplay between culturally related stress and cognitive responses to stress, the present study will provide a closer examination by disaggregating the subtypes of rumination – brooding and reflection – as well as considering the potential role of ethnic identity.

Ethnic Identity and Risk for Depression

Just as there are culturally related stressors that increase risk for depression, other culturally relevant factors, such as ethnic identity, appear to buffer against the effects of these stressors. Ethnic identity is the aspect of a person’s self-concept that is defined by how the individual identifies with his or her own ethnic group, and it is achieved over time through exploring the meaning of belonging to such a group (Phinney & Ong, 2007). The development of a self-concept, including ethnic identity, is a defining element of adolescence (Erikson, 1968; Quintana, 2007) and continues throughout emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2000; Phinney, 2006). Phinney’s ethnic identity framework is grounded in the idea that experiences of discrimination spur the development of an ethnic identity to counteract the detrimental effects of future discriminatory experiences (Phinney, 1992). Supporting this theory, one study found that changes in perceived discrimination over time were associated with changes in ethnic identity over time among Black and Latino adolescents. However, the inverse was not observed (Pahl & Way, 2006), suggesting that ethnic identity develops, in part, in response to experiences of discrimination. Compared to adolescents, who are beginning to ascribe meaning to their ethnic group affiliation, emerging adults have had more time to explore their ethnic identity. The protective qualities of an ethnic identity may be more pronounced during this stage of life (Phinney, 2006).

A large body of research demonstrates that ethnic identity is positively correlated with self-esteem and well being, particularly among emerging adults of racial/ethnic minority background (for a meta analytic review, see Smith & Silva, 2011). Further, a higher ethnic identity is associated with lower levels of depressive symptoms in racial/ethnic minorities (Mossakowski, 2003, Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013; Torres & Ong, 2010). Ethnic identity has been found to buffer against the negative effects of culturally related stressors by moderating the relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms in racial/ethnic minorities (Greene et al., 2006; Sellers & Shelton, 2003; Mossakowski, 2003; Torres & Ong, 2010). However, some research also suggests that there are aspects of an ethnic identity that may exacerbate the association between discrimination and psychological distress (Noh, Beiser, Kaspar, Hou, & Rummens, 1999; see also Brondolo et al., 2009, for a review).

More recently, however, one study with emerging adults found that ethnic identity buffered against the indirect relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms through hopelessness (Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013). That is, at low levels of ethnic identity, perceived discrimination was associated with higher depressive symptoms over time through higher levels of hopelessness. However, there was no statistically significant indirect relation through hopelessness at average or at high levels of ethnic identity, suggesting that ethnic identity buffered against this indirect relation. This finding highlights the complex nature of an ethnic identity, and the need to better understand the underlying cognitive mechanisms linking ethnic identity and perceived discrimination. Thus, while the present evidence for a protective effect of ethnic identity is mixed, to the degree that ethnic identity may serve as a buffer, it may do so by mitigating the effects of maladaptive cognitive responses to perceived discrimination.

Perhaps a strong ethnic identity protects against the detrimental effects of perceived discrimination by promoting active problem solving and discouraging passive perseveration, particularly brooding. Crocker and Major (1989) suggested that individuals from socially stigmatized groups, including racial/ethnic minorities, may ward off the hurt of prejudice and racism by engaging in adaptive strategies such as attributing negative feedback to an external source or selectively valuing or devaluing certain qualities of their group. However, to date, there has been no empirical examination of the relation between brooding and ethnic identity.

The Present Study

The present study aimed to further elucidate the impact of culturally related experiences on risk for depression in emerging adults by examining the relation between perceived discrimination, subtypes of rumination, and depressive symptoms in emerging adults of racially/ethnically diverse backgrounds. More specifically, we examined the association between perceived discrimination and the subtypes of rumination, brooding and reflection. In addition, we examined whether these ruminative subtypes would explain the relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms. Furthermore, given previous evidence that ethnic identity may impact the discrimination-cognition-depression relation (Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013), we examined whether ethnic identity would moderate the mediated relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms.

Thus, we hypothesized the following:

• Hypothesis 1. A stronger positive association between perceived discrimination and brooding than between perceived discrimination and reflection.

• Hypothesis 2. Brooding, but not reflection, would mediate the relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms, more strongly for racial/ethnic minority emerging adults than for White emerging adults.

• Hypothesis 3. Ethnic identity would buffer against this indirect relation, such that the indirect relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms, through brooding, would be weaker at higher levels than at lower levels of ethnic identity.

Method

Participants

First- and second-year undergraduates (N = 709; 493 female) from a racially/ethnically diverse public college in the Northeastern United States took part in this study for partial credit toward a research participation requirement in an Introduction to Psychology course. Participants were selected from a larger sample of 1,011 individuals who took part in a study of social-cognitive predictors of suicidal ideation and attempts (Chan, Miranda, & Surrence, 2009), based on their age (i.e., being between ages 18–25) and whether they completed the measures of interest in the present study. The sample included 479 (68%) racial/ethnic minority participants (212 Asian, 139 Hispanic, 78 Black, and 50 of other races/ethnicities) and 230 (32%) White participants.

Measures

Demographic Information

Information about age, sex, and race/ethnicity was collected from each participant.

Schedule of Racist Events (SRE; Landrine & Klonoff, 1996)

The SRE is an 18-item self-report questionnaire used to measure the perceived frequency and stress associated with perceptions of discrimination, as experienced in the previous year or in the respondent’s lifetime. The present study focused on perceived discrimination, as experienced in the previous year. The SRE was developed for use with African-American respondents. Thus, for the present study, language specific to African-Americans was modified to apply to all races/ethnicities (e.g., “How many times have you been treated unfairly by teachers and professors because of your race/ethnicity?”). Individuals rate the frequency of events on a scale from 1 (“Never”) to 6 (“Almost all of the time”) and rate how stressful each event was on a scale from 1 (“Not at all stressful”) to 6 (“Extremely stressful”). Given that the correlation between perceived frequency of and stress associated with discrimination was .81, suggesting they were measuring the same construct, we used the perceived stress measure in the analyses. A total score for stress was calculated by summing relevant ratings across 17 items, and scores can range from 17 to 102. A modified version of this scale has been used reliably with Asian, Black, Latino, and White individuals (see Landrine, Klonoff, Corral, Fernandez, & Roesch, 2006). Internal consistency reliability in the present sample was .87 for White participants and .90 for racial/ethnic minority participants.

Multi-Group Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM; Phinney, 1992)

The MEIM is a 15-item self-report questionnaire about ethnic group identification. Participants are asked to list the ethnic group with which they most strongly identify, and using a Likert scale from 1 (Strongly disagree) to 5 (Strongly agree), indicate how strongly they agree with each item. The measure is comprised of two subscales: belonging and affirmation, consisting of 5 items (e.g., “I feel a strong attachment towards my ethnic group”), and exploration and commitment, consisting of 7 items (e.g., “I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group”). The remaining 3 items inquire about the ethnic group of the participant, and that of their mother and father. These items were excluded from the total ethnic identity score, which equals the sum of the items from both subscales. The scale has demonstrated good reliability (Phinney, 1992), and construct validity for use with ethnically diverse youth (Roberts et al, 1999). In the present sample, the internal consistency reliability was .87 for White participants and .85 for racial/ethnic minority participants.

Ruminative Responses Scale (RRS; Nolen-Hoeksema, Larson, & Grayson, 1999)

The RRS is a 22-item self-report questionnaire assessing rumination. Five of the items assess the brooding subtype of rumination (e.g., Think “What am I doing to deserve this?”), and 5 items assess the reflection subtype of rumination (e.g., “Analyze recent events to try to understand why you are depressed”) (see Treynor et al., 2003). Individuals are asked to indicate the frequency with which they generally have each of the thoughts when they feel “…down, sad, or depressed” on a scale from 1 (almost never) to 4 (almost always). Treynor and colleagues (2003) suggested removing the other 12 items of the scale that overlapped with symptoms of depression and found that this modified scale was positively associated with concurrent symptoms of depression. However, while the brooding subscale was associated with increases in depressive symptoms over time, the reflection subscale was associated with decreases in depressive symptoms over time. Other factor analyses conducted with the RRS have suggested a similar division into two subscales (see Fresco, Frankel, Mennin, Turk, & Heimberg, 2002). In the present sample, internal consistency reliability for the brooding subscale of the RRS was .78 among racial/ethnic minority participants and .80 among White participants. Internal consistency for the reflection subscale was .72 among racial/ethnic minority participants and .69 among White participants.

Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9; Spitzer, Kroenke & Williams, 1999)

The PHQ-9 is a 9-item self-report questionnaire that assesses symptoms of Major Depression, consistent with criteria from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 1994), as experienced in the previous 2 weeks. Each question is rated on a 0–3 scale, ranging from “not at all” to “nearly every day.” Total depression score was computed by summing items 1–9. The PHQ-9 has been shown to have high test-retest reliability (r = .84) and criterion validity with clinician diagnosis of Major Depression (Kroenke, Spitzer, & Williams, 2001). Internal consistency reliability in the present sample was .80 among racial/ethnic minority participants and .79 among White participants.

Procedure

After providing written informed consent, participants completed a packet of self-report questionnaires in a research laboratory in groups of 2–8 individuals. Questionnaires were administered by post-baccalaureate or Masters-level research assistants. Measures included the SRE, MEIM, RRS, and PHQ-9. After completing the questionnaires, participants were debriefed about the study. Individuals who endorsed 4 or more symptoms on the PHQ-9 for “more than half the days” were provided with information about the college counseling center and were encouraged to make an appointment. These measures and procedure were approved by a full Institutional Review Board.

Results

There were no statistically significant differences between racial/ethnic minority and White participants on measures of rumination (neither brooding, t(706) = 0.51, p = .61, nor reflection, t(703) = 1.28, p = .20) and depressive symptoms, t(704) = 1.01, p = .31. Racial/ethnic minority participants reported higher levels of self-appraised perceived discrimination stress (SRE), compared to White participants, t(643.1) = 7.94, p < .01. However, they also scored higher on the MEIM (ethnic identity), t(388.7) = 4.60, p < .01, compared to White individuals. Means and standard deviations are presented in Table 1.

Table 1

Demographic characteristics and summary of means and standard deviations.

Note.^*p < .05;^**p < .01

Perceived Discrimination, Rumination, and Depressive Symptoms

We hypothesized that perceived discrimination would be more strongly associated with the brooding subtype than with the reflective subtype of rumination. We also hypothesized that brooding, but not reflection, would mediate the relation between perceived discrimination and symptoms of depression. We expected that this indirect relation would be stronger among racial/ethnic minorities than among White individuals. The relation between perceived discrimination and the subtypes of rumination was tested via 2 sets of multiple linear regression analyses. In the first set of analyses, perceived discrimination was entered as a predictor of brooding, simultaneously adjusting for reflection and ethnic identity. In the second set of analyses, perceived discrimination was entered as a predictor of reflection, simultaneously adjusting for brooding and ethnic identity. These analyses were conducted separately for racial/ethnic minority and for White individuals. Results of these analyses are shown in Tables 2a and 2b. Perceived discrimination was significantly associated with brooding among racial/ethnic minority (b = 0.07, β = 0.29, p < .01) but not among White individuals (b = 0.02, β = 0.07, p = .28). However, perceived discrimination was not associated with reflection, neither among racial/ethnic minority nor among White individuals.

Table 2

Note.^*p < .05,^**p < .01b = Unstandardized regression coefficient.β = Standardized regression coefficient We also examined whether perceived discrimination, brooding, and reflection would be associated with depressive symptoms when entered simultaneously into a linear regression that also adjusted for ethnic identity. Analyses were conducted separately for racial/ethnic minority and for White individuals. Results are displayed in Table 3. Both brooding and reflection were significantly associated with depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minority participants (b_brood = 0.42, β_brood = 0.34, p < .01; b_reflect = 0.26, β_reflect = 0.19, p < .01), when adjusting for perceived discrimination and ethnic identity. Among White individuals, only brooding, but not reflection, was significantly associated with depressive symptoms (b_brood = 0.51, β_brood = 0.43, p < .01; b_reflect = 0.14, β_reflect = 0.10, p = .12), when adjusting for perceived discrimination and ethnic identity. Perceived discrimination was significantly associated with depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minorities (b = 0.06, β = 0.22, p < .01) but not among White individuals (b = 0.04, β = 0.09, p = .12), when adjusting for the ruminative subtypes and ethnic identity.

Table 3

Hierarchical Linear Regression for Depressive Symptoms

Note.^*p < .05,^**p < .01b = Unstandardized regression coefficient.β = Standardized regression coefficient

Brooding as a Mediator

MacKinnon and colleagues suggest that tests for mediation may be conducted when a predictor (e.g., perceived discrimination) is significantly related to a proposed mediator (e.g., brooding, reflection) and the proposed mediator to an outcome (e.g., depressive symptoms) (MacKinnon, Lockwood, Hoffman, West, & Sheets, 2002). Given the absence of a statistically significant relation between perceived discrimination and reflection among racial/ethnic minorities and among White individuals, and the absence of a significant relation between perceived discrimination and brooding among White individuals, we focused our analyses on brooding as a potential mediator. Specifically, we examined whether brooding would mediate the relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minority individuals, adjusting for ethnic identity and reflection (see Figure 1). Mediation analyses were conducted using the PROCESS computational tool for SPSS (Hayes, 2013; see also Preacher, Rucker, & Hayes, 2007). The data were resampled with replacement 5,000 times using bootstrapping to test the indirect effect of perceived discrimination on depressive symptoms through brooding. The indirect effect was considered statistically significant if its 95% confidence interval did not contain zero. We found that brooding mediated the relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minority participants, 95% CI = 0.02–0.04.

Figure 1

Brooding as a mediator of the relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minorities, adjusting for ethnic identity and reflection. Unstandardized regression coefficients are shown, with standard deviations in parentheses.

Buffering Effect of Ethnic Identity

We also examined whether ethnic identity would moderate the mediating effect of brooding on the relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms, adjusting for reflection. This analysis was conducted using a bootstrapping procedure with 5000 resamples, via the PROCESS computational tool for SPSS (Hayes, 2013). We examined the indirect effect of brooding on the relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minority individuals at low (1 SD below the mean), average, and high (1 SD above the mean) levels of ethnic identity. We found a statistically significant indirect effect of perceived discrimination on depressive symptoms – through brooding – at low, 95% CI = 0.02–0.05, average, 95% CI = 0.02–0.04, and high levels of ethnic identity, 95% CI = 0.01–0.04. Thus, ethnic identity did not moderate the indirect relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms – through brooding – among racial and ethnic minority individuals.

Discussion

This study sought to elucidate the potential cognitive mechanisms behind the relation between perceived discrimination and depression by investigating racial/ethnic differences in the relation between perceived discrimination, rumination, and depressive symptoms. This is the first study of which we are aware to examine the explanatory role of brooding and reflection, the subtypes of rumination, in the relation between perceived racial/ethnic discrimination and depressive symptoms, along with the moderating role of ethnic identity, among White and racial/ethnic minority emerging adults. Brooding, but not reflection, mediated the concurrent relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms, but only among racial/ethnic minorities and not among White individuals. These findings are consistent with previous research suggesting that rumination mediates the relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minorities (Borders & Liang, 2011; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2009), and extend this research by disaggregating the effects of the subtypes of rumination on the perceived discrimination-depression relation. Furthermore, we found that this explanatory relation remained at different levels of ethnic identity, suggesting that ethnic identity did not buffer against the impact of brooding on the relation between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms. Considering the mounting evidence (though mixed) suggesting that ethnic identity protects against depression and buffers against the detrimental effects of perceived discrimination among racial/ethnic minority individuals (Greene et al., 2006; Mossakowski, 2003; Sellers & Shelton, 2003; Torres & Ong, 2010; Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013), this finding was unexpected. At the same time, the present study differed from previous findings of a buffering effect of ethnic identity in that it was cross-sectional, while previous studies were either longitudinal (e.g., Greene et al., 2006; Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2010), involved repeated measures (i.e., daily diary; Torres & Ong, 2010), or examined a specific racial/ethnic minority group (e.g., Filipino-Americans; Mossakowski, 2003; or African-Americans; Sellers & Shelton, 2003), rather than examining different racial/ethnic minority groups as one large group. It is possible that the buffering effect of an ethnic identity may vary by racial/ethnic group and/or may be observed over time, rather than concurrently.

These findings also support previous research suggesting that brooding is a more maladaptive form of rumination than is reflection, which is more benign or adaptive (Burwell & Shirk, 2007; Treynor et al., 2003). Consistent with previous research (Treynor et al., 2003), brooding was found to be positively associated with concurrently assessed depressive symptoms, both among racial/ethnic minority and among White participants. Reflection was also significantly and positively associated with depressive symptoms, but only among racial/ethnic minority participants and not among White participants (in analyses that also adjusted for perceived discrimination and ethnic identity). It should be noted that the present study did not include a follow up, as did some previous studies (Burwell & Shirk, 2007; Treynor et al., 2003), to determine whether brooding would be associated with increased depressive symptoms over time and whether reflection would result in decreases in depressive symptoms over time among both White and racial/ethnic minority individuals. Interestingly, perceived discrimination was not concurrently associated with reflection, suggesting that reflection does not co-occur with perceptions of discrimination, despite its concurrent relation with depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minorities.

On the other hand, perceived discrimination was positively associated with brooding among racial/ethnic minorities, but not among White individuals. While the absence of longitudinal data prevents an inference of causality, one possible explanation for this finding is that perceived discrimination, because of its greater relevance to racial and ethnic minorities, may increase brooding only among racial/ethnic minority emerging adults but not among White emerging adults. That is, racial and ethnic minority emerging adults may respond to perceived discrimination with brooding, rather than with the more benign reflective rumination, and such a tendency to brood may be associated with higher vulnerability to depressive symptoms. These results are consistent with those of Hatzenbuehler and colleagues (2009), who found that brooding rumination, but not emotional suppression, mediated the relation between daily experiences of discrimination and psychological distress.2 Thus, experiences of racial/ethnic discrimination in conjunction with maladaptive cognitive responses such as rumination may increase risk for depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minority emerging adults, but ethnic identity may not have enough of an impact to mitigate this detrimental effect.

Strengths and Limitations

Some limitations of this study should be noted. First, this was a college-student, primarily female, non-clinical sample, and findings may not generalize to community samples of emerging adults that include a greater proportion of males, nor to clinical samples of females with major depression. At the same time, given that women tend to report higher levels of rumination and of depressive symptoms, compared to men (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 1999; Nolen-Hoeksema, 2001), inclusion of a primarily female sample is appropriate to studying the relation between ruminative thinking and depressive symptoms. However, future research should examine these questions in community and clinical samples.

Although a strength of the present study is that the city and school from which students were recruited was racially/ethnically diverse, the present sample is not representative of more homogenous, albeit traditional, college settings in which White students are represented at a higher proportion than racial/ethnic minorities. At the same time, recent data indicate that the population of racial/ethnic minority college students continues to increase (Fry, 2010).

Third, while the present sample enabled comparison of racial/ethnic minority to White participants, the numbers of Asian, Hispanic, and Black participants were not sufficiently large to allow examination of between-group differences in the mediational relations. Previous research has found that the association between perceived discrimination and depression varies across different racial/ethnic groups. For instance, Latino individuals who reported perceived discrimination were more likely to meet criteria for depression compared to Asian and African American individuals (Chou, Asnaani & Hofmann, 2012; Hwang & Goto, 2008). Therefore, the interplay between cultural experiences and cognitive responses may be distinct within each racial/ethnic minority group. Furthermore, within-group differences have been documented in Latino (Alegría et al., 2007), Asian (Takeuchi et al., 2007) and Black (Williams et al., 2007) individuals, with highly acculturated individuals displaying more risk for psychiatric symptoms than less acculturated individuals. Finally, the present study did not take into account relevant sociodemographic factors, such as immigration status, income, and religion, which may have accounted for variability in depressive symptoms. These variables should be included in future research.

Future Directions

Future research should also examine neurophysiological and behavioral measures in combination with cognitive and culturally related factors. For instance, researchers have found increased levels of cortisol in response to race-related stressors (Richman & Jonassaint, 2008). Additionally, recent research suggests that neural activity during experiences of racial discrimination resembles brain activity while experiencing physical pain, while perceiving an event as racial discrimination is associated with lower distress (Masten, Telzer & Eisenberger, 2011), suggesting that while discriminatory experiences elicit negative physiological responses, cognitive appraisals may be employed to cope with these experiences. These findings highlight the need to integrate multiple perspectives in psychological research to better explain the mechanisms behind the impact of racial discrimination on risk for depression.

Finally, this study has implications for clinical interventions with emerging adults from diverse backgrounds. Our findings suggest a link between perceived discrimination and depression that may be explained by brooding rumination – but only among racial/ethnic minorities, versus White individuals. Thus, clinicians working with racial and ethnic minority emerging adults at risk for depression should not only inquire about their experiences of racial discrimination but also about their cognitive responses to those experiences. Clinicians may then focus on interventions that target brooding rumination and that promote more adaptive forms of cognitive coping with experiences of discrimination.

Conclusion

In sum, the present research suggests that perceived discrimination is associated with higher levels of depressive symptoms among both racial/ethnic minority and White emerging adults. Furthermore, brooding – but not reflection – statistically mediates this relation, and this mediated relation is present regardless of the strength of the individual’s ethnic identity. Interventions to alleviate depressive symptoms among racial and ethnic minorities should not only assess for experiences of discrimination but should also focus on the degree to which those perceived or actual experiences result in a tendency to dwell on negative emotions.

Link to Article

Cultural and Cognitive Factors in Minority Vulnerability to Depressive Symptoms in Adolescents

Introduction

Epidemiological studies indicate that racial and ethnic minority populations experience a heightened risk for the onset of depression between the ages of 18 and 25 (Algería et al., 2007; Kim & Choi, 2010; Williams et al., 2007). This developmental period, termed emerging adulthood (Arnett, 2000), is marked by significant transitions and challenges. While racial and ethnic minorities generally exhibit a lower risk of depressive symptoms compared to White individuals (Riolo et al., 2005), the 12-month prevalence of depression is notably higher in these groups (Kessler et al., 2003). This disparity underscores the importance of investigating the impact of culturally specific experiences, such as perceived discrimination (Kessler et al., 1999; Landrine et al., 2006; Perez et al., 2008), on the vulnerability to depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minority emerging adults.

Given the robust association between perceived discrimination and adverse mental health outcomes, particularly depression (Chou et al., 2012; Pascoe & Richman, 2009; Williams et al., 2003), understanding the underlying mechanisms of this relationship is paramount. Maladaptive cognitive responses to negative emotional states, such as rumination, have been shown to exacerbate and prolong depressive symptoms (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008). However, research exploring racial and ethnic variations in the interplay between cognitive risk factors and depressive symptomatology remains limited. Similarly, culturally relevant factors known to heighten vulnerability to depression among racial and ethnic minorities, such as perceived discrimination, have seldom been examined in conjunction with cognitive risk factors. Recent exceptions include studies on rumination (Borders & Liang, 2011; Chang et al., 2010; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2009) and hopelessness (Hirsch et al., 2012; Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013). Existing findings suggest an association between perceived discrimination and ruminative thinking (Borders & Liang, 2011; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2009). However, no known research has explored the relationship between perceived discrimination and distinct subtypes of rumination—namely, brooding and reflection—or whether these subtypes differentially influence the association between perceived discrimination and depressive symptomatology.

Beyond risk factors, recent research has illuminated the significance of culturally relevant protective factors, such as ethnic identity, in mitigating the emergence of depressive symptoms (Greene et al., 2006; Torres & Ong, 2010; Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013). Despite our understanding of cognitive and culturally relevant risk and protective factors, the interplay between them remains underexplored. A nuanced comprehension of this relationship is crucial for effectively addressing depression within racial/ethnic minority emerging adult populations. This study seeks to bridge this research gap by investigating the interplay between culturally relevant and cognitive factors in explaining vulnerability to depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minority emerging adults, in comparison to their White counterparts.

Overthinking and the Likelihood of Feeling Depressed

Rumination, a cognitive response style employed during distress, is characterized by a repetitive focus on one's negative mood and its perceived causes and consequences (Nolen-Hoeksema et al., 2008). This cognitive process has been linked to the onset and persistence of depression over time (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2000). Moreover, rumination is associated with mental inflexibility, problem-solving difficulties, and diminished optimism about the future—factors independently correlated with depression (Davis & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2000; Lyubomirsky & Nolen-Hoeksema, 1995).

Treynor et al. (2003) identified two distinct subtypes of rumination: brooding and reflective pondering (reflection). Brooding involves a passive preoccupation with one's dysphoric mood and is considered maladaptive due to its association with negative outcomes, including heightened depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation (Burwell & Shirk, 2007; Miranda & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2007; O'Connor & Noyce, 2008). Conversely, reflection, involving active attempts to comprehend the reasons for one's negative mood, is deemed more adaptive and has been linked to reductions in depressive symptoms (Burwell & Shirk, 2007; Treynor et al., 2003). However, recent research presents a less clear-cut view of reflective rumination, with studies finding associations with higher levels of depressive symptoms and suicidal ideation in certain populations (Marroquín et al., 2010; Surrence et al., 2009; Miranda & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2007).

Evidence suggests racial/ethnic variations in the relationship between rumination and depression. For example, Chang et al. (2010) observed higher rumination tendencies among Asian American college students compared to their European American peers, but a weaker concurrent association with depressive symptoms. Conversely, Borders and Liang (2011) found that rumination partially mediated the relationship between perceived discrimination and psychological distress, including depressive symptoms, among racial/ethnic minority college students, but not among their White counterparts. These findings emphasize the need for further investigation into the role of cultural factors in the interplay between rumination and depression, particularly during the developmental stage of emerging adulthood.

Perceived Discrimination and Risk for Depression

Perceived discrimination, a culturally bound stressor, is defined as the subjective experience of being treated unfairly or unjustly due to one's racial or ethnic background (Harrell, 2000). Research indicates a high prevalence of perceived discrimination among racial/ethnic minorities, with younger age groups (18-44 years) reporting higher levels than older individuals (Kessler et al., 1999; Perez et al., 2008). This stressor has been consistently linked to increased psychiatric symptoms in racial and ethnic minorities compared to White individuals (Landrine et al., 2006) and is associated with depressive symptoms across various racial/ethnic minority groups (Kessler et al., 1999; Sellers & Shelton, 2003; Torres & Ong, 2010; Hwang & Goto, 2008; Gee et al., 2007). Longitudinal studies have further demonstrated the prospective association between perceived discrimination and the development of depressive symptoms (Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013).

Recent research has begun to unravel the mechanisms underlying the relationship between perceived discrimination and depression, identifying associations with cognitive risk factors such as rumination and hopelessness (Borders & Liang, 2011; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2009; Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013). For instance, Hatzenbuehler et al. (2009) found that daily discrimination-related stress predicted greater negative affect, and this relationship was mediated by brooding rumination. However, further research is needed to disentangle the specific roles of different rumination subtypes and other potential moderators in this relationship.

Ethnic Identity and Risk for Depression

While culturally relevant stressors like perceived discrimination can increase the risk for depression, other cultural factors, such as ethnic identity, may offer protection against these stressors. Ethnic identity, a component of one's self-concept, encompasses the degree to which an individual identifies with their ethnic group and the meaning they ascribe to this affiliation (Phinney & Ong, 2007). This aspect of identity develops through exploration and commitment to one's ethnic group, particularly during adolescence and emerging adulthood (Erikson, 1968; Quintana, 2007; Arnett, 2000; Phinney, 2006).

Theories suggest that experiences of discrimination may, in fact, contribute to the development of a stronger ethnic identity as a coping mechanism (Phinney, 1992; Pahl & Way, 2006). This idea is supported by research showing a positive correlation between ethnic identity and self-esteem and well-being, particularly among racial/ethnic minority emerging adults (Smith & Silva, 2011). Moreover, a stronger ethnic identity has been linked to lower levels of depressive symptoms within these populations (Mossakowski, 2003; Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013; Torres & Ong, 2010).

However, the evidence for the protective effect of ethnic identity is not entirely consistent. While several studies have found that a strong ethnic identity can buffer against the negative impact of perceived discrimination on depressive symptoms (Greene et al., 2006; Sellers & Shelton, 2003; Mossakowski, 2003; Torres & Ong, 2010), other research suggests that certain aspects of ethnic identity might exacerbate the relationship between discrimination and psychological distress (Noh et al., 1999; Brondolo et al., 2009). For instance, Polanco-Roman and Miranda (2013) found that ethnic identity moderated the indirect effect of perceived discrimination on depressive symptoms through hopelessness, but only at low levels of ethnic identity. This highlights the complex nature of ethnic identity and the need for a deeper understanding of its role in the relationship between perceived discrimination, cognitive responses, and depression.

The Present Study

This study aims to further elucidate the impact of culturally relevant experiences on depression risk in emerging adulthood by examining the interplay between perceived discrimination, subtypes of rumination (brooding and reflection), and depressive symptoms among racially/ethnically diverse emerging adults. Specifically, we investigate:

1. Hypothesis 1: A stronger positive association between perceived discrimination and brooding compared to perceived discrimination and reflection.

2. Hypothesis 2: Brooding, but not reflection, mediating the relationship between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms, with a stronger effect observed among racial/ethnic minority individuals compared to White individuals.

3. Hypothesis 3: Ethnic identity moderating the indirect effect of brooding on the relationship between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms, such that the indirect effect is weaker at higher levels of ethnic identity.

Method

Participants

The study included 709 first- and second-year undergraduate students (493 female) aged 18-25 years from a racially/ethnically diverse public college in the Northeastern United States. Participants were selected from a larger sample (N=1,011) based on age and completion of relevant measures. The sample comprised 479 (68%) racial/ethnic minority individuals (212 Asian, 139 Hispanic, 78 Black, and 50 other races/ethnicities) and 230 (32%) White individuals. Participation was incentivized with partial course credit, and ethical approval was obtained from the institutional review board.

Measures

Demographic Information

Data on age, sex, and race/ethnicity were collected via self-report.

Schedule of Racist Events

Perceived discrimination was measured using the SRE, an 18-item self-report questionnaire assessing the frequency and stress associated with perceived discrimination experienced in the past year. Participants rated the frequency (1="Never" to 6="Almost all of the time") and stressfulness (1="Not at all stressful" to 6="Extremely stressful") of various discriminatory experiences. Due to a high correlation (r=.81) between frequency and stress ratings, suggesting convergent validity, only the perceived stress score (ranging from 17 to 102) was used in analyses. The SRE has demonstrated reliability and validity across diverse racial/ethnic groups (Landrine et al., 2006).

Multi-Group Ethnic Identity Measure

Ethnic identity was assessed using the 15-item MEIM. Participants indicated their agreement (1="Strongly disagree" to 5="Strongly agree") with statements reflecting belonging/affirmation (e.g., "I feel a strong attachment towards my ethnic group") and exploration/commitment (e.g., "I think a lot about how my life will be affected by my ethnic group"). The total ethnic identity score (excluding three items on parental ethnicity) has shown good reliability and validity in previous research (Phinney, 1992; Roberts et al., 1999).

Ruminative Responses Scale

Rumination was measured using a modified version of the RRS, comprising 10 items assessing brooding (5 items; e.g., "Think 'What am I doing to deserve this?'") and reflection (5 items; e.g., "Analyze recent events to try to understand why you are depressed"). Participants rated the frequency of these thoughts when feeling down or depressed (1="Almost never" to 4="Almost always"). This modified version, excluding items overlapping with depressive symptoms, has demonstrated good psychometric properties in previous research (Treynor et al., 2003; Fresco et al., 2002).

Patient Health Questionnaire-9

Depressive symptoms were measured using the PHQ-9, a 9-item self-report questionnaire assessing the presence and severity of depressive symptoms over the past two weeks, based on DSM-IV criteria (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). Each item was rated on a scale of 0 ("Not at all") to 3 ("Nearly every day"), with total scores ranging from 0 to 27. The PHQ-9 has demonstrated excellent reliability and validity in previous research (Kroenke et al., 2001).

Procedure

Participants completed the questionnaires in small groups (2-8 individuals) within a laboratory setting. Administration was conducted by trained research assistants, and participants were debriefed upon completion. Individuals endorsing clinically significant depressive symptoms (PHQ-9 score ≥ 4 on more than half the days) were provided with resources for mental health support.

Results

No significant differences were observed between racial/ethnic minority and White participants on rumination (brooding or reflection) or depressive symptoms. However, racial/ethnic minority participants reported significantly higher levels of perceived discrimination stress (SRE) and ethnic identity (MEIM) compared to White participants.

Perceived Discrimination, Focus, and Depressive Symptoms

Multiple linear regression analyses were conducted to examine the relationships between perceived discrimination, rumination subtypes, and depressive symptoms, separately for racial/ethnic minority and White participants. Perceived discrimination was significantly associated with brooding among racial/ethnic minorities, but not among White individuals. Conversely, no significant association was found between perceived discrimination and reflection in either group. Additionally, brooding and reflection were significantly associated with depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minority participants, while only brooding was significantly associated with depressive symptoms among White individuals. Finally, perceived discrimination was significantly associated with depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minorities, but not among White individuals.

Mediation analyses using bootstrapping procedures were conducted to examine whether brooding mediated the relationship between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minorities. Results indicated that brooding significantly mediated this relationship, supporting the hypothesis that brooding may serve as a mechanism through which perceived discrimination contributes to increased depressive symptoms in this population.

Buffering Effect of Ethnic Identity

Moderation analyses were conducted to assess whether ethnic identity moderated the indirect effect of brooding on the relationship between perceived discrimination and depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minority participants. Contrary to the hypothesis, no moderating effect of ethnic identity was observed. These findings suggest that while a strong ethnic identity may have protective effects against depression in general, it may not be sufficient to buffer against the detrimental impact of brooding rumination in the context of perceived discrimination.

Discussion

The present study aimed to clarify the complex interplay between cultural factors, cognitive responses, and depressive symptoms in a sample of racially/ethnically diverse emerging adults. Our findings indicate that perceived discrimination is a significant predictor of depressive symptoms among racial/ethnic minority individuals, and this relationship is mediated by brooding rumination. This suggests that the tendency to engage in maladaptive, repetitive thought patterns focused on negative emotions and their causes may explain, in part, why individuals from marginalized backgrounds who experience discrimination are more vulnerable to developing depressive symptoms.

Contrary to our hypothesis, we did not find evidence for a moderating effect of ethnic identity on the relationship between perceived discrimination, brooding, and depressive symptoms. While previous research has shown mixed findings regarding the protective role of ethnic identity, our results suggest that a strong sense of belonging to one's ethnic group may not be sufficient to mitigate the detrimental impact of perceived discrimination and brooding on mental health.

Several limitations should be considered when interpreting the findings. First, the cross-sectional design limits our ability to infer causality. Longitudinal studies are needed to examine the temporal relationships between these variables and determine whether brooding rumination precedes the development of depressive symptoms in response to perceived discrimination. Second, the reliance on self-report measures may introduce bias, and future research should consider incorporating behavioral and physiological measures to provide a more comprehensive understanding of these relationships. Lastly, the study's focus on a college sample may limit generalizability, and future research should include more diverse samples to enhance external validity.

Despite these limitations, this study offers valuable insights into the complex interplay between culture, cognition, and mental health among emerging adults. The findings highlight the importance of addressing both cultural and cognitive factors in interventions aimed at preventing and treating depression among racial/ethnic minority individuals. Specifically, interventions targeting maladaptive rumination styles, such as brooding, may be particularly beneficial for this population. Moreover, culturally sensitive interventions that empower individuals to cope with experiences of discrimination and promote resilience in the face of adversity are crucial.

Future research should continue to explore the mechanisms linking perceived discrimination to negative mental health outcomes, considering potential moderators such as coping styles, social support, and cultural values. Additionally, longitudinal research is necessary to establish the temporal precedence of these relationships and inform the development of effective prevention and intervention programs. Ultimately, a more nuanced understanding of these complex interplay will contribute to more equitable and effective mental healthcare for all individuals, regardless of their background.

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How Discrimination Can Lead to Depression in Young Adults of Color

The Link Between Overthinking and Depression

Have you ever felt stuck in a loop of negative thoughts, especially when you're feeling down? That's called rumination, and it's a common experience for young adults between the ages of 18 and 25. This period, known as emerging adulthood, can be a time of major life changes and stress, which can make people more vulnerable to mental health challenges like depression.

Research shows that young adults of color are especially vulnerable to depression during this time (Algería et al. 2007; Kim & Choi 2010; & Williams et al. 2007). While people of color often show lower rates of depression overall compared to White individuals (Riolo, Nguyen, Greden & King, 2005), they actually experience higher rates within this specific age range (Kessler et al., 2003). One reason for this might be the unique experiences faced by racial and ethnic minorities, such as discrimination (Kessler, Mickelson & Williams, 1999; Landrine, Klonoff, Corral, Fernandez, & Roesch, 2006; Perez, Fortuna & Alegría, 2008).

Discrimination has been strongly linked to negative mental health outcomes, particularly depression (Chou, Asnaani & Hofmann, 2012; Pascoe & Richman, 2009; Williams, Neighbors & Jackson, 2003). But how does discrimination contribute to depression? One way is through its impact on our thoughts and how we process negative emotions. This is where rumination comes in.

Rumination is a pattern of thinking where we get stuck focusing on our negative feelings and their causes and consequences (Nolen-Hoeksema, Wisco, & Lyubomirsky, 2008). It's like a broken record playing the same sad song over and over again in our minds. This kind of thinking can make depression worse and last longer (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2000). It can also make it harder to think clearly, solve problems, and feel hopeful about the future (Davis & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2000; Lyubomirsky & Nolen-Hoeksema, 1995).

There are actually two types of rumination:

• Brooding: This is when we dwell on our negative feelings and get lost in self-criticism and negativity. Brooding is generally unhelpful and can lead to feeling even more depressed and even suicidal (Burwell & Shirk, 2007; Miranda & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2007; O'Connor & Noyce, 2008; Treynor et al., 2003).

• Reflection: This is when we try to understand our negative feelings by thinking about their possible causes and searching for solutions. Reflection can be a more helpful way of coping with negative emotions and might even help to reduce depression over time (Burwell & Shirk, 2007; Treynor et al., 2003). However, some studies show that reflection can also backfire, sometimes being linked to more severe depression or even suicidal thoughts, especially in certain individuals (Marroquín, Fontes, Scilletta, & Miranda, 2010; Surrence, Miranda, Marroquín, & Chan, 2009; Miranda & Nolen-Hoeksema, 2007).

It's important to note that the relationship between rumination and depression can differ across racial and ethnic groups. For example, one study found that while Asian American college students were more likely to ruminate than European American students, they also showed a weaker link between rumination and depressive symptoms (Chang et al., 2010). This suggests that cultural factors may play a role in how rumination impacts mental health. Another study found that rumination was a significant link between discrimination and depression specifically for students of color (Borders & Liang, 2011). In other words, discrimination was linked to depression for minority students, and this link was partly explained by their tendency to ruminate. Interestingly, this pattern wasn't found for White students.

These findings suggest a need to dig deeper into how culture, rumination, and depression are all connected, especially for young adults who are navigating the challenges of identity and belonging.

The Weight of Discrimination: A Closer Look

Research suggests that experiences of discrimination are sadly common for racial and ethnic minorities, especially among younger generations (Kessler et al, 1999; Perez et al., 2008). For instance, a national study found that about half of Latinos between 18 and 24 years old reported experiencing moderate to high levels of discrimination, a stark contrast to the 26% or less reported by those 45 and older (Perez et al., 2008). This shows how prevalent discrimination is in the lives of young adults of color.

Discrimination isn't just about overt acts of prejudice; it often shows up in subtle and insidious ways, making it hard to identify and even harder to cope with (Harrell, 2000). Perceived discrimination, which is the feeling of being treated unfairly because of your race or ethnicity, is a unique type of stressor that's directly tied to someone's cultural background. It's like carrying the weight of prejudice on your shoulders, impacting mental health above and beyond everyday life stressors (Landrine & Klonoff, 1996; Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013). Studies have consistently shown that perceived discrimination is linked to higher levels of depression among various racial and ethnic minority groups, including African Americans (Kessler et al, 1999; Sellers & Shelton, 2003), Latinos (Torres & Ong, 2010; Hwang & Goto, 2008), and Asian Americans (Gee, Spencer, Chen, Yip & Takeuchi, 2007; Hwang & Goto, 2008). Alarmingly, perceived discrimination can also predict worsening depression over time (Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013), highlighting the urgent need to understand and address this issue.

Recent research has started to unravel the link between perceived discrimination and those negative thought patterns that contribute to depression. For example, perceived discrimination has been positively associated with rumination (Borders & Liang, 2011; Hatzenbuehler et al., 2009) and hopelessness (Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013), both of which can fuel the fire of depression.

A study with African American and LGBTQ+ individuals found that experiencing discrimination daily was linked to increased negative emotions over time, and this connection was driven by brooding (Hatzenbuehler et al., 2009). This means that when people faced discrimination, those who tended to brood over their negative feelings experienced a stronger link to emotional distress. This study highlights how crucial it is to understand the interplay of cultural factors like discrimination and the role of thinking styles in mental health, particularly for groups facing marginalization and prejudice.

The Power of Identity: Can It Protect Against Depression?

Just as some cultural experiences can make depression worse, others can act as a buffer, protecting against its negative effects. One such factor is ethnic identity, which is how connected we feel to our ethnic group and its values and traditions. Developing a strong sense of self, including ethnic identity, is a key part of adolescence and young adulthood (Erikson, 1968; Quintana, 2007; Arnett, 2000; Phinney, 2006).

Some researchers believe that experiencing discrimination can actually spur the development of a stronger ethnic identity as a way to cope with prejudice (Phinney, 1992). In a sense, embracing your ethnic identity can be a source of strength and resilience in the face of discrimination. This idea is supported by a study that found that as Black and Latino adolescents experienced more discrimination over time, their ethnic identity also strengthened (Pahl & Way, 2006). However, it's worth noting that this connection wasn't found to work the other way around - having a strong ethnic identity didn't necessarily lead to less discrimination.

A robust body of research shows that having a strong ethnic identity is linked to higher self-esteem and overall well-being, especially for young adults of color (Smith & Silva, 2011). Furthermore, a stronger ethnic identity is associated with fewer depressive symptoms in minority groups (Mossakowski, 2003, Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013; Torres & Ong, 2010).

Several studies suggest that ethnic identity acts as a buffer, weakening the link between perceived discrimination and depression (Greene et al., 2006; Sellers & Shelton, 2003; Mossakowski, 2003; Torres & Ong, 2010). In essence, a strong sense of belonging and pride in one's ethnicity can help to shield against the harmful effects of discrimination. However, it's not always so straightforward. Some research suggests that certain aspects of ethnic identity might actually increase the link between discrimination and distress (Noh, Beiser, Kaspar, Hou, & Rummens, 1999; Brondolo et al., 2009). This highlights the complex nature of ethnic identity and how it can play out differently depending on the individual and their experiences.

One study found that a strong ethnic identity helped protect against the indirect path from discrimination to depression through hopelessness (Polanco-Roman & Miranda, 2013). Basically, for those with a weak ethnic identity, discrimination was linked to more depression over time because it increased feelings of hopelessness. However, this effect wasn't significant for those with average or strong ethnic identities, suggesting that their sense of belonging buffered against this negative cascade.

The evidence for the protective role of ethnic identity is mixed, but it's clear that it plays a significant role in how individuals cope with discrimination and its potential impact on mental health. One way ethnic identity might protect against depression is by influencing how individuals cognitively respond to discrimination. It's possible that a strong ethnic identity helps people use more active problem-solving skills and avoid getting stuck in unproductive brooding when faced with prejudice.

While researchers have proposed that marginalized groups, including racial and ethnic minorities, might use adaptive strategies to cope with prejudice, such as attributing negative feedback to external sources or selectively valuing certain aspects of their group identity (Crocker & Major, 1989), we still don't have enough research on how ethnic identity directly relates to brooding.

The Present Study: Unpacking the Connections

This study aimed to shed light on the complex relationships between culture, cognition, and depression. Specifically, we wanted to understand:

• How is perceived discrimination related to different types of rumination (brooding and reflection)?

• Does rumination explain the link between perceived discrimination and depression?

• Does ethnic identity play a role in protecting against these negative effects?

We predicted that:

• Hypothesis 1: Perceived discrimination would be more strongly linked to brooding than to reflection.

• Hypothesis 2: Brooding, but not reflection, would explain the relationship between perceived discrimination and depression, and this pattern would be stronger for racial/ethnic minority individuals than for White individuals.

• Hypothesis 3: Ethnic identity would buffer against this negative cascade, meaning that the link between discrimination and depression (through brooding) would be weaker for those with a stronger ethnic identity.

Breaking Down the Study

Who participated?

• 709 undergraduate students (mostly female) from a diverse college in the Northeastern United States.

• Participants included both racial/ethnic minority students (68%) and White students (32%).

What did they do?

• Participants completed questionnaires that measured:

  • Perceived discrimination (how much discrimination they felt they had experienced in the past year).

  • Ethnic identity (how strongly they identified with their ethnic group).

  • Rumination (how often they engaged in brooding and reflection).

  • Depressive symptoms (how many symptoms of depression they were experiencing).

What did they find?

• Discrimination and rumination: As predicted, perceived discrimination was more strongly associated with brooding than with reflection, but only among racial/ethnic minority students. This suggests that for minority students, experiencing discrimination might lead to more brooding.

• Rumination and depression: Both brooding and reflection were linked to higher levels of depression for minority students. For White students, only brooding was significantly associated with depression.

• Brooding as a mediator: Brooding was found to explain the relationship between perceived discrimination and depression for minority students. This means that experiencing discrimination might lead to more brooding, which then leads to higher levels of depression.

• Ethnic identity as a moderator: Contrary to our prediction, ethnic identity did not weaken the link between perceived discrimination and depression through brooding. This means that even for those with strong ethnic identities, the path from discrimination to depression through brooding was still present.

What Does It All Mean?

This study provides important insights into the complex interplay between culture, thought patterns, and mental health in young adulthood. Here are some key takeaways:

• Discrimination matters: Experiencing discrimination can take a toll on mental health, especially for young adults of color.

• Brooding makes it worse: When people ruminate in a way that involves dwelling on negative feelings and self-criticism, it can exacerbate the negative effects of discrimination on depression.

• Ethnic identity, while important, might not be enough: Although having a strong ethnic identity is generally beneficial for well-being, it might not be enough to fully protect against the damaging effects of discrimination and brooding.

Limitations and Future Directions

It's important to remember that this study has limitations.

• The participants were mostly female college students, so the findings might not apply to everyone.

• We grouped all racial/ethnic minorities together, but each group might have unique experiences that impact the relationships we studied.

• We didn't look at other factors that could be important, like immigration status, income, or religion.

Future research should address these limitations and explore:

• How these findings hold up in different groups of people, like men, older adults, and people from different socioeconomic backgrounds.

• The specific experiences of different racial/ethnic groups and how they relate to rumination and depression.

• How interventions can be tailored to help individuals develop healthier coping mechanisms, such as reducing brooding and promoting more adaptive ways of processing discrimination experiences.

Clinical Implications: Helping Young Adults Thrive

This study has important implications for mental health professionals. It highlights the need to:

• Ask young adults of color about their experiences with discrimination and how they cope with those experiences.

• Be aware of the role of brooding in exacerbating depression and consider interventions that specifically target this thinking style.

• Help young people develop a stronger sense of ethnic identity, while recognizing that it might not be a magic solution and other forms of support are essential.

By understanding the complex interplay between culture, cognition, and mental health, we can develop more effective interventions to help young adults of color thrive in the face of adversity.

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Why are Young Adults of Color More Likely to Experience Depression?

We know from research that young adults between the ages of 18 and 25, who are often people of color, are more likely to experience depression. While it seems that people of color experience fewer depressive symptoms overall than white people, studies show that within a 12-month period, they experience depression at a higher rate. This article explores the connection between discrimination and depression in young adults of color. We believe that cultural experiences like discrimination might play a role in making young adults of color more vulnerable to feeling depressed.

Thinking Too Much: A Risk Factor for Depression?

When people are sad or upset, they sometimes engage in something called rumination. Rumination is a pattern of thinking where a person dwells on their negative feelings and their causes and consequences. Rumination is linked to both causing depression and making it last longer. It can make people inflexible, struggle to solve problems, and feel pessimistic about the future - all factors associated with depression.

There are two types of rumination: brooding and reflection. Brooding is dwelling on negative feelings without trying to understand or solve them. Brooding is considered unhelpful because it's linked to more severe depressive symptoms and even suicidal thoughts. Reflection, on the other hand, involves trying to understand the reasons behind the negative feelings. It’s seen as a more positive way to ruminate, and it might even help reduce depression over time. However, some studies show that reflection can also be associated with negative outcomes like suicidal thoughts, especially for those who struggle with using active coping strategies.

Research suggests that the link between rumination and depression might differ between racial and ethnic groups. Some studies show that Asian American college students tend to ruminate more than European American college students. However, the link between rumination and depression appears weaker in Asian American students. Interestingly, other studies found that for students of color, rumination helps explain the relationship between experiencing discrimination and depressive symptoms, but this was not the case for white students. Essentially, experiencing discrimination was related to depression for students of color, and this relationship was partially due to rumination.

Experiencing Discrimination: A Risk for Depression?

Studies show that young adults of color frequently experience racial and ethnic discrimination. It appears that younger people (18-44 years old) experience more discrimination than older age groups. For example, one study found that around 50% of Latinos between 18 and 24 years old reported experiencing a lot of discrimination, compared to only 26% of those aged 45 and above.

Discrimination is a type of stress specifically related to a person’s race or ethnicity. It can involve obvious prejudice or more subtle forms of mistreatment. This cultural stressor can significantly impact mental health, particularly for people of color. Studies show that discrimination is linked to depression in various racial and ethnic groups, including African Americans, Latinos, and Asian Americans.

Ethnic Identity: A Shield Against Depression?

While some cultural experiences might increase the risk of depression, others, like a strong sense of ethnic identity, can protect against it. Ethnic identity is how individuals connect with their ethnic group and feel a sense of belonging. It develops as individuals explore and understand what being part of their ethnic group means to them.

Research suggests that a strong ethnic identity is beneficial for mental well-being. It can lead to higher self-esteem, especially for young adults of color. People of color with a strong ethnic identity may experience fewer depressive symptoms. A strong ethnic identity may help buffer against the negative impacts of discrimination. This suggests that a strong connection to one's cultural group might reduce the risk of depression caused by experiencing prejudice.

This Study: What We Wanted to Find Out

This study aimed to understand better how cultural experiences impact depression in young adults from diverse backgrounds. We wanted to see if there's a connection between perceived discrimination, rumination (brooding and reflection), and depressive symptoms in both white and minority young adults. We were also interested in the role of ethnic identity in this relationship.

Specifically, we asked:

• Is there a stronger connection between discrimination and brooding compared to discrimination and reflection?

• Does brooding, but not reflection, explain the relationship between discrimination and depression, particularly in minority young adults?

• Does a strong ethnic identity act as a buffer, reducing the impact of brooding on the relationship between discrimination and depression?

How We Did the Study

The Participants

We asked first and second-year college students (709 in total, 493 female) between 18 and 25 years old from a diverse college to participate in our study. Students received course credit for participating. Our sample consisted of 479 students of color (Asian, Hispanic, Black, and other racial/ethnic minorities) and 230 white students.

The Questions We Asked

• Discrimination: We used a questionnaire called the Schedule of Racist Events (SRE), modified to be inclusive of various racial and ethnic groups, to measure how often and how stressful participants perceived discriminatory experiences in the past year.

• Ethnic Identity: We used the Multi-Group Ethnic Identity Measure (MEIM) to assess how strongly participants identified with their ethnic group.

• Rumination: We used the Ruminative Responses Scale (RRS) to measure brooding (dwelling on negative feelings) and reflection (trying to understand negative feelings).

• Depression: We used the Patient Health Questionnaire-9 (PHQ-9) to assess depressive symptoms experienced in the past two weeks.

How We Collected Information

Participants completed all questionnaires in a research lab setting. They were debriefed about the study afterward. Those reporting significant depressive symptoms were provided information about mental health resources.

What We Found

• There were no differences between minority and white students in their levels of rumination (both brooding and reflection) and depressive symptoms.

• As expected, minority students reported experiencing more discrimination than white students. They also had a stronger sense of ethnic identity compared to white students.

• For students of color, discrimination was linked to more brooding, but not to reflection. This link between discrimination and brooding wasn't found in white students.

• For both students of color and white students, brooding was significantly associated with higher levels of depression. This connection was stronger in white students.

• Reflection was only associated with higher depression levels in minority students, not in white students.

• For students of color, discrimination was related to increased depression. This was not true for white students.

• We found that brooding explained the relationship between discrimination and depression in minority students, meaning that students of color who experienced more discrimination also tended to brood more, which, in turn, was linked to higher levels of depression.

• However, ethnic identity did not change this relationship. This means that even with a strong sense of ethnic identity, the link between discrimination, brooding, and depression remained for minority students.

What Do Our Findings Mean?

This study shows that for young adults of color, there's a connection between experiencing discrimination and experiencing depression, and this connection might be partially because of something called brooding. Our findings are consistent with previous studies. They add to our understanding by showing that different types of rumination have different impacts, with brooding being more harmful than reflection in this context.

We were surprised to find that ethnic identity didn’t weaken the negative link between discrimination, brooding, and depression. Previous studies suggested that ethnic identity could protect against the negative mental health effects of discrimination. More research is needed to understand these findings.

The study highlights that brooding, a negative way of responding to negative emotions, can be harmful, especially for young adults of color who experience discrimination. Our findings don't suggest that reflection is harmful.

What are the Limitations of This Study?

• The study primarily involved college students and had a larger proportion of females. The findings might look different in the general population or in a clinical setting.

• We didn't have enough participants from each racial and ethnic group to examine potential differences between those groups (e.g., Asian, Hispanic, Black).

• The study didn’t consider factors like immigration status, income, and religion, which could contribute to depressive symptoms.

What's Next?

Future research should explore these questions in more diverse groups and consider other relevant factors like income and immigration status. It would also be beneficial to understand how physiological and behavioral responses to discrimination contribute to depression.

What Can We Learn?

Our study shows that understanding the experiences of discrimination and the ways young adults of color cope with those experiences are crucial in addressing depression. Our findings highlight the importance of addressing rumination, particularly brooding, in therapeutic settings. Clinicians should be aware of the impact of discrimination on mental health and consider interventions that target harmful thinking patterns and promote healthier coping mechanisms in young adults of color.

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Feeling Down: How Unfair Treatment and Worrying Make It Worse for Some Young People

What Makes Young People Feel Sad?

We know that lots of young people (between 18 and 25 years old) can feel sad and down, especially those from different races and cultures (like African American, Hispanic, or Asian). Even though they might not feel sad as often as White people, when they do feel down, it can be more serious and last longer. This is a really important time in a person's life when they're figuring things out, and feeling sad can make it harder.

One reason they might feel worse is because of something called discrimination. Discrimination is when someone treats you unfairly because of your race or culture. Imagine someone being mean to you just because of the color of your skin - that's discrimination, and it can really hurt!

Feeling discriminated against can make anyone sad, but it can be even harder for young people who are already figuring out who they are. When someone is mean to you because of your race, it can make you question yourself and your culture.

How Worrying Too Much Makes It Harder

Everyone feels sad sometimes, but some people have a hard time letting go of those bad feelings. They might keep thinking about the bad things and how awful they feel - this is called rumination. It's like a broken record in your head that keeps playing the same sad song over and over again.

There are actually two types of rumination:

• Brooding: This is when you just keep thinking about feeling sad and don't try to figure out why. It's like being stuck in a dark room and not looking for the light switch.

• Reflection: This is when you try to understand why you feel sad and what you can do about it. It's like being stuck in that dark room but looking for a flashlight to help you see.

Scientists have found that brooding makes sadness worse, especially for young people from different races and cultures who experience discrimination. It's like adding fuel to a fire - the discrimination makes them sad, and then the brooding makes the sadness even stronger.

Feeling Connected to Your Culture Can Help

Even though discrimination and brooding can make young people feel really down, there's something that can help protect them: ethnic identity. Ethnic identity is how connected you feel to your race and culture - it's like being proud of where you come from and who you are.

Scientists thought that having a strong ethnic identity could protect young people from the bad effects of discrimination and brooding. They thought it might be like a shield that protects you from getting hurt.

What We Learned

In our study, we wanted to see if brooding really does explain why discrimination makes some young people sadder than others, and if a strong ethnic identity could protect them.

We found that:

• Discrimination was related to more brooding in minority young adults.

• Brooding, not reflection, was related to sadness in all young adults.

• Ethnic identity did not protect against the negative effects of brooding.

What Does It All Mean?

This means that when people are unfair to others because of their race or culture, it can lead to more brooding, which can make sadness even worse, especially for young people still figuring out their identities. Unfortunately, feeling connected to their culture doesn't seem to fully protect them from this.

This is really important for everyone to know because it reminds us to be kind to each other and to treat everyone fairly, no matter their race or culture. It also shows us that we need to learn healthy ways to deal with sadness and not get stuck in brooding.

What's Next?

Scientists are still trying to understand all the ways that discrimination and brooding affect mental health, and they are looking for even more ways to help young people cope with sadness and discrimination. It's important to remember that everyone feels sad sometimes, and it's okay to ask for help if you need it.

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