Abstract
Background and objectives: Coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) created a "perfect storm" for financial fraud targeting older adults. Guided by the Contextual Theory of Elder Abuse, we focused on individual and systemic contexts to examine how older adults became prey to financial fraud.
Research design and methods: In July 2020, 998 adults who were 60-98 years of age (93% White; 64% female) completed an online survey about experiences with financial fraud. Participants were recruited from gerontology research registries at Florida State University, University of Pittsburg, Virginia Tech, and Wayne State University.
Results: Over half (65.9%) of the respondents experienced a COVID-19-related scam attempt, with charity contributions (49%) and COVID-19 treatments (42%) being the most common. Perpetrators commonly contacted older adults electronically (47%) two or more times (64%). Although most respondents ignored the request (i.e., hung up the phone and deleted text/e-mail), 11.3% sent a requested payment, and 5.3% provided personal information. Predictors of vulnerability included contentment with financial situation, concern about finances in the aftermath of the pandemic, and wishing to talk to someone about financial decisions. Respondents targeted for a non-COVID-19 scam attempt were less likely to be targets of a COVID-19-related scam.
Discussion and implications: Older adults who were financially secure, worried about their financial situation, or wished they could speak with someone about their financial decisions appeared susceptible to falling victim to a fraud attempt. The high number of attempts indicates a need for a measurable and concerted effort to prevent the financial fraud of older adults.
In the United States, elder financial exploitation is associated with poor mental and physical health as well as increases in hospitalization and mortality (Burnes et al., 2017). A type of elder financial exploitation is financial fraud, which is defined by Hall et al. (2016, p. 35) from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention as “Deception carried out for the purpose of achieving personal gain while causing injury to another party. An intentional distortion of truth initiated to convince another to part with something of value or to surrender a legal right.” A meta-analysis completed by Burnes et al. (2017) found financial fraud to be a common problem affecting approximately one in 18 cognitively intact older adults living in community settings with a 1-year prevalence of 5.4%.
Conditions shaped by coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) created a “perfect storm” for opportunistic financial fraud directed at older adults. Social distancing, difficulties in accessing medical and social services, unprecedented job losses, increases in retirements, the infusion of stimulus funds into a volatile economy, misinformation surrounding the vaccine, and a heightened sense of fear among some older adults because of the health care dangers provided a veritable playground for fraudulent telemarketers and internet scammers. Reports of COVID-19 scams (e.g., fake cures, services, and charities) appeared in the press soon after the pandemic began and proliferated as it unfolded (e.g., Associated Press, 2020; Jarin, 2021). The Federal Trade Commission (FTC), which bases its numbers upon voluntary reports, found that between January 2020 and June 2022, it received more than 544,243 reports of fraud associated with COVID-19 and reports of fraud and identity theft with a median fraud loss of $425 per person (Federal Trade Commission, 2022). People ages 60–69 experienced the highest dollar losses per person.
The purpose of our study was to embed the financial fraud of older adults within individual and systemic contexts of the Contextual Theory of Elder Abuse (CTEA; Roberto & Teaster, 2017) in order to examine types of perpetration (e.g., scams, fraud, phishing attempts, and identity theft) during the early months of the pandemic. We hypothesized that social distancing and other systemic changes contributed to the vulnerability of older persons to financial fraud. Specifically, we asked: What types of COVID-19-related fraud attempts did older adults experience, and how did they respond (RQ1)? Do demographic and situational variables predict how older adults responded to attempts of COVID-19-related fraud (RQ2)?
Understanding the Nature of Financial Fraud
Most of what is known about the umbrella term “financial exploitation” concerns family members or trusted others known to the older adult. We know far less about financial fraud perpetrated by strangers (Burnes et al., 2017; DeLiema et al., 2017; Steinman et al., 2020). Using a random sample of older adults in Pennsylvania, Beach et al. (2010) found that, among African American respondents, most financial exploitation was actually financial fraud. In addition, Black older adults were disproportionately affected, especially those who lived below the poverty line.
Holtfreter et al. (2014) compared exploitation by family members to fraud across three specific types, finding that 42.9% and 25.7%, respectively, spent the victim’s money or sold something without permission; 50% and 30%, respectively, forged the victim’s signature; and 29.6% and 39.2%, respectively stole money or took items from the victim.
While no single, reliable predictor of fraud susceptibility exists, DeLiema et al. (2017) found that participants in the National Health and Retirement Study who were younger, mean age 63.2, male, better-educated, and depressed most often reported being victimized. Lichtenberg et al. (2015) also found the same predictors, with higher education emerging as the strongest predictor of fraud. Moreover, a study of scams during COVID-19 by Nolte et al. (2021) suggested that older age might serve as a protective factor against fraud, as did a COVID-19 study by Mueller et al. (2020).
Theoretical Framework
Acknowledging the unique environmental context—the early phase of the COVID-19 pandemic—our study was guided by the CTEA (Roberto & Teaster, 2017), specifically, the individual and societal contexts of the theory. Building upon Bronfenbrenner’s (1986) ecological model of human development and the Centers for Disease Control’s (2015) social–ecological model for violence prevention, the CTEA includes individual, relational, community, and societal contexts. The individual context, our primary focus, involves biological and personal factors that influence how individuals behave, how risk factors increase the likelihood of becoming a victim or perpetrator, and how factors (e.g., poor health and dementia) affect individuals during and after an abusive situation, especially one that could be hidden within the isolation set in motion by the pandemic. Variables of particular interest in this study include personal characteristics (e.g., age, sex, gender, and race/ethnicity); education; habilitation (rural or urban geographic area); income; physical health; emotional health; and decision-making capacity. In addition, we emphasized the societal context, which considers broad ideological values and norms that create a climate in which abuse is normative or non-normative. Age-related changes in social position and access to financial resources can heighten the risk of late-life abuse. Societal tolerance for abuse within the United States is reflective of ageist attitudes (Roberto & Teaster, 2017). However, the enactment of state laws and penalties demonstrates a shift toward growing societal intolerance for the exploitation of older adults. Widespread government actions that support the welfare of older adults are representative of the societal context of CTEA (Roberto & Teaster, 2017).
Method
Sample
We invited older adults aged 60 and older enrolled in gerontology research registries at four universities to complete an online survey about their experiences with financial fraud: Florida State University (FSU), University of Pittsburg (PITT), Virginia Tech (VT), and Wayne State University (WSU). Initially, registry participants were recruited from community gatherings of older adults, social media campaigns, and other research studies. Collectively, 6,488 older adults in the registries agreed to be contacted to learn about future research projects at their respective sites (FSU, n = 2,700; PITT, n = 2,300; VT, n = 269; and WSU, n = 460). Members were sent an e-mail invitation to participate in the COVID-19 exploitation study in July 2020. Responses to the survey were pooled for a response rate of 15.4% and a final sample of 998 older adults. While the sample size is adequate, we acknowledge the relatively low response rate. Because data collection occurred during unprecedented historical times, the research group decided to contact the older adults only one time in order to avoid survey anxiety or fatigue anticipated by collecting two more waves of data in 2020. Consequently, while generalizability may be limited, our findings nonetheless shine a light on the issue of the financial fraud of older adults during the pandemic.
Table 1 provides detailed descriptive information about the respondents, who ranged in age from 60 to 98 (M = 71.3; standard deviation [SD] = 6.8). Most identified as White (93.4%), female (64.2%), and living with a spouse/partner (58.1%). In response to questions about their health, most respondents did not perceive any changes in physical health (70.1%) or emotional well-being (60%) in the 2 months prior to completing the survey. When changes occurred, respondents were more likely to report a decline in emotional well-being (32.5%) than their physical health (17.9%). About the same percentage of older adults responded that compared to prior to the start of the COVID-19 outbreak, their current feelings of social isolation and loneliness stayed about the same (41.8%) or increased (54.8%). Only about 1% of the older adults reported having had COVID-19, although about 5.8% reported that someone close to them had the virus.