Elucidating the Neurobiologic Etiology of Comorbid PTSD and Substance Use Disorders
Jesse Hinckley
Carla Danielson
SimpleOriginal

Summary

Youth with substance use issues often experience trauma, especially interpersonal violence, which is linked to comorbid PTSD and SUD. This review highlights neurobiological links and calls for research to guide treatment.

2022

Elucidating the Neurobiologic Etiology of Comorbid PTSD and Substance Use Disorders

Keywords PTSD; substance use disorders; adolescence; amygdala; prefrontal cortex; mesolimbic dopamine system; noradrenergic system; hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal axis

Abstract

Early childhood maltreatment and other traumatic event experiences (“trauma”) are common among youth, including those with substance use problems including substance use disorders (SUD). Particularly, interpersonal violence is associated with high rates of comorbidity between posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and SUD, and these comorbid disorders exhibit high levels of overlapping symptomatology. Theoretical models proposed to explain the bidirectional relationship between PTSD and SUD include the self-medication hypothesis and susceptibility hypothesis. In this article, we explore neurobiologic changes associated with trauma, PTSD, and SUD that underly dysregulated stress response. Examining lessons learned from recent translational and clinical research, we propose that further elucidating the neurobiologic etiology of comorbid PTSD and SUD will require a collaborative, interdisciplinary approach, including the integration of preclinical and clinical studies, exploration of biologic markers in clinical studies, and accumulation of larger studies and longitudinal studies with the power to study PTSD and SUD. Such research can transform the field and ultimately reduce high rates and costly impairment of co-occurring PTSD and SUD across the lifespan.

1. Introduction

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) results from exposure to a potentially traumatic event, either by directly experiencing or witnessing the event or by learning about an event that occurred to a close family member or friend [1]. Approximately two-thirds of children experience at least one significant traumatic event by age 16 years-old [2,3]. Early childhood maltreatment, including interpersonal trauma, is one of the most common causes of PTSD in youth [4]. In 2020, there were 3.9 million reports of childhood maltreatment to Child Protective Services in the U.S. involving 7.1 million youth (28.9 reports per 1000 children) [5]. Further, data from the National Child Abuse and Neglect Data System Child File show that 1 in 8 children will have a confirmed report of child maltreatment [6]. However, due to underreporting and difficulty following up, most studies and reports grossly underestimate the prevalence of childhood maltreatment and PTSD that extends from such trauma exposure.

The diagnosis of PTSD requires a constellation of symptoms and behaviors that result in clinically significant distress or impairment and includes: (1) recurrent intrusive symptoms; (2) persistent avoidance of stimuli associated with the traumatic event; (3) negative alterations in mood and cognition; and (4) alterations in arousal and reactivity associated with the traumatic event [1]. Notably, many youths do not have insight into avoidant behaviors, cognitive or affective changes, and hyperarousal or other reactivity changes that result from the trauma. As a result, while children are more likely to be diagnosed with PTSD after a traumatic experience than adults, many traumatized children may not be diagnosed with PTSD and may manifest other mental health disorders [4]. This diagnostic challenge further complicates characterizing the mental health impact of trauma in youth and investigating the mechanistic etiology of trauma-related psychopathology.

Specific to the adolescents, traumatic experiences are common among young people with substance use disorders (SUD) [7]. Further, youth with PTSD are up to 14 times more likely to have a comorbid SUD than youth without PTSD. In particular, youth exposed to interpersonal violence, such as child sexual abuse, physical abuse, or witnessed violence, are more likely to use substances including cannabis, cocaine, opioids, and other drugs [8]. In fact, interpersonal violence exposure is a risk factor for substance use problems in adolescence and adulthood and the development of SUD [4,9], even after controlling for family background and parental psychopathology [10]. Interpersonal violence exposure also serves as a strong risk factor for comorbid diagnoses of PTSD and alcohol use disorder than either diagnosis individually [11]. Thus, traumatic experiences, particularly interpersonal traumas, are important risk factors for the development of comorbid trauma and stress disorders and SUD. The presence of problematic substance use also increases the risk of experiencing potentially traumatic events, reinforcing a cycle of exposure to trauma and continued substance use problems among victimized youth [12].

In adolescents, 24–30% of youth with PTSD have comorbid SUD [7]. Similarly, 13–25% of youth with a primary SUD have a diagnosis of PTSD. The estimates of comorbid PTSD and SUD among adults are even higher, ranging from approximately 30–50% and up to 85% among treatment-seeking individuals [12]. Importantly, it is likely that trauma exposure, PTSD, and SUD are underdiagnosed and untreated in youth. This is a multifactorial problem, with contributors including: (1) absent or inadequate screening for a history of potentially traumatic events and substance use problems in clinical and research settings; (2) a lack of adequate training in the nuances of trauma assessment and how PTSD symptoms present in youth; (3) limited treatment seeking among youth with co-occurring PTSD and SUD and their caregivers; and (4) the broader compartmentalization of the mental health and substance use fields, evidenced in funding, education and training, licensure, etc. Together, these problems contribute to challenges in the study of comorbid PTSD and SUD, including prevalence, etiology, assessment, treatment, and prevention [13].

Herein, we discuss the overlapping clinical symptomatology and common neurobiologic etiology of comorbid PTSD and SUD. We offer insights into the importance of evaluating exposure to both trauma and substance use in research to inform future directions in research, assessment, and treatment in this field and to ultimately reduce high rates and costly impairment of co-occurring PTSD and SUD across the lifespan.

2. Overlapping Clinical Symptomatology

Clinical experience and research have highlighted a strong, bidirectional relationship between PTSD and SUD. Both PTSD and SUD for various substances also demonstrate overlapping symptomatology. For example, withdrawal from alcohol is characterized by anxiety, irritability, sleep disturbances, and exaggerated startle response. Cocaine intoxication and withdrawal are characterized by hypervigilance, paranoia, anxiety, sleep disturbances, and mood problems. These signs and symptoms of alcohol withdrawal and cocaine intoxication or withdrawal are also core features of PTSD, particularly alterations in arousal and reactivity: irritable behavior, hypervigilance, exaggerated startle response, problems with concentration, and sleep disturbance [1]. Further, the co-occurrence of these disorders exacerbates symptoms of both PTSD and SUD more so than if either disorder presented without comorbidity [14]. Multiple theoretical models have been proposed to explain the significant PTSD-SUD connection. One example is the susceptibility hypothesis, which postulates that substance use increases the likelihood of trauma exposure (e.g., increased vulnerability to trauma events in situations involving heavy alcohol use), which, in turn, is associated with increased risk of developing PTSD after traumatic experiences [12,15].

Beyond substance use serving as a risk factor for later traumatic event exposure, another example stems from recent epidemiological studies positing that PTSD often develops prior to problematic substance use [16]. Specifically, the “self-medication hypothesis” [17] is a negative reinforcement etiologic model that suggests when youth experience trauma-related distress, the youth is primarily motivated to engage in strategies, such as substance use, to avoid or decrease the distress and negative affective state. Each time the youth uses substances and the distress is temporarily “relieved,” it negatively reinforces the substance use behavior and increases the likelihood that the youth will use substances the next time they face a distressing trauma cue. Further extending from the self-medication hypothesis, problematic substance use may also exacerbate PTSD symptoms of avoidant behaviors (e.g., using marijuana to avoid being fully present in situation that serve as trauma reminders) and negative alterations in cognition and mood associated with traumatic events.

As outlined by Volkow and Koob [18,19], a three-stage cycle of addiction vulnerability may explain how self-medication can adversely exacerbate PTSD symptoms and substance use problems. In the first stage, binge patterns of substance use and intoxication result in activation of neural circuits that mediate incentive salience and reward networks. During withdrawal (second stage), loss of reward and activation of stress systems results in a negative affective state. Many of the symptoms of PTSD and substance withdrawal overlap, which may further exacerbate this negative affective state. Subsequently, in the third stage, individuals develop preoccupation with and anticipation of substance use. Dysregulation of the prefrontal cortex (PFC) contributes to increased impulsivity and craving, ultimately increasing the risk for continued binge use and intoxication. Despite the significant overlapping symptomatology between PTSD and SUD and the theoretical models describing their bidirectional relation, additional research is still needed to fully understand how these disorders co-occur. Research examining shared neurobiological etiology of PTSD and SUD also may provide insight into the PTSD-SUD connection.

3. Common Neurobiologic Etiology

In addition to overlapping clinical symptomatology, comorbid PTSD and SUD share common biological etiologic factors, such as shared neural substrates and pathways [20] and an altered stress response system. This research unveils contenders for potential prevention and treatment targets for comorbid PTSD and SUD in adolescents [21]. With regard to common neural substrates and pathways altered by trauma and substance use, much of what is known about the shared neurobiologic etiology of PTSD and SUD has been extrapolated from the study of individuals with PTSD and alcohol use disorder [4,12,14,22]. Functional neuroimaging studies have identified changes associated with both PTSD and alcohol use, including hyperactive amygdala and hypoactive ventromedial PFC [14,23]. The amygdala mediates processes essential to comorbid PTSD and SUD, including hyperarousal and fear conditioning and learning. Alterations in amygdala functioning subsequently result in avoidant and drug-seeking behaviors [24]. Repetitive substance use induces long-lasting associative memories of environmental cues and substance use. These synaptic connections are subsequently reinforced by ongoing substance use. It is hypothesized that these changes in the amygdala underly fear reinstatement and increased risk of relapse to substance use when triggered by a cue or stressor [23].

Neuroimaging studies indeed support the centrality of amygdalar changes in PTSD and SUD. Hyperactivity of the amygdala is one of the most consistent neurobiologic changes observed in PTSD [25]. Lower amygdala volume has been shown to be quantitatively associated with cumulative stress exposure [26], as well as inversely correlated with alcohol craving and drinking [14,27]. Preclinical models also underscore the importance of amygdala function in maintaining substance use behaviors. Recently, Rich et al. demonstrated that activating calcineurin in the amygdala can reduce cue-induced reinstatement and lower the risk of relapse, suggesting these adaptive processes are reversible [28]. Combined, these studies highlight the amygdala as potential target for future PTSD-SUD studies with young people.

Another region of the brain implicated in PTSD and SUD is the ventromedial PFC. Exposure to early life stress is associated with several changes in the PFC [29]. In addition, hypoactivity of PFC is correlated with duration of PTSD symptoms in youth [25]. These changes may underly distress, regressive behavior, anxiety, negative affect, substance use, and PTSD [29]. Multiple studies have also revealed that PFC hypoactivity is associated with executive dysfunction and alcohol craving and predicts binge drinking and higher rates of relapse in response to stress [14,30,31,32]. Additionally, PFC projections to amygdala are thought to mediate fear conditioning (a process impacted by PTSD), drug seeking behavior, and extinction learning [23,33]. These hypoactive PFC-amygdala projections result in hyperactivity of the amygdala and subsequently abnormal fear conditioning and drug-seeking behavior [14].

Most of the aforementioned studies of the amygdala and PFC have been conducted exclusively in PTSD or substance-specific exposures. These studies typically have relatively small sample sizes and use a variety of imaging and analytical methods. As a result, neuroimaging results are heterogenous and may appear inconsistent. However, the aggregation of these findings identifies common regions of interest and proposes a mechanistic link between PTSD and SUD mediated by the amygdala and PFC.

PTSD and SUD are also both characterized by hyperarousal and maladaptive responsivity to stress. Three neurotransmission systems have been identified that commonly underly PTSD and SUD and are fundamental to brain development. These include the mesolimbic dopamine system, noradrenergic system, and hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis [16,22]. Review of these signaling systems highlights the importance of arousal and regulatory systems in the co-occurrence of PTSD and SUD [34].

Research has shown that childhood adversity results in dysregulation of the mesolimbic dopamine system [14]. Initially, differences in dopaminergic signaling may increase susceptibility to development of PTSD following a traumatic stress and subsequent risk of developing problematic substance use [35]. Similarly, alcohol drinking is initially motivated by dopaminergic regulation of positive reinforcement, followed by down-regulation of the mesolimbic dopamine system [18]. These changes subsequently result in aberrant learning, reward deficiency, and anhedonia, predisposing the individual to drug craving and higher risk of relapse [36].

As a result of chronic changes in mesolimbic dopaminergic signaling, individuals with chronic substance use problems may transition from using for the positive effects, such as euphoria, to using to prevent experiencing negative effects (e.g., withdrawal, craving). Considering the three-stage cycle of addiction proposed by Volkow and Koob, these neuroadaptations also result in exacerbation of withdrawal and negative affect [18]. Clinically, this manifests as increased feelings of depression, anxiety, and restlessness. Consequently, the youth may develop a compulsive pattern of consumption to escape dysphoria, which is fundamental to the self-medication hypothesis.

Traumatic stress also activates the locus coeruleus (LC), triggering a norepinephrine-mediated stress response, including “fight-or-flight” [4,14,22,37]. Youth with a history of trauma exposure show increased baseline functioning of the noradrenergic system and enhanced sympathetic nervous system tone, which are positively correlated with intrusive thoughts, avoidance, and hyperarousal [4,14]. Further, markers of noradrenergic activity are elevated within individuals with PTSD and alcohol or opioid withdrawal [22], as well as escalation of alcohol use following early life stress [14].

Few studies to date have shed light on the effect of substance use on acute stress response [38]. Possible mechanisms include altered setpoints and adaptations in neural signaling pathways that result in dysfunctional cue reactivity and maintain drug use motivation and risk of relapse. To explore the neurophysiologic etiology of comorbid PTSD and SUD, Le Dorze et al. developed a preclinical rat model exposed to trauma which develops PTSD-like symptoms [39]. When the noradrenergic system is activated by amphetamine administration, rats exhibited increased reactivity of mesocortical dopaminergic neurons and increased stress response. Thus, noradrenergic sensitization due to drug use and subsequent changes in dopamine signaling may provide a common physiologic basis of PTSD and SUD [39].

During initial trauma exposure, elevated corticotropin releasing hormone (CRH) levels result in hypersecretion of cortisol [40]. Elevated CRH levels in the amygdala may also mediate hyperarousal and increase fear-related behavioral responses [22,41]. Over time, persistent down-regulation of CHR receptors in the anterior pituitary results in lower baseline cortisol levels. This negative feedback loop primes the HPA axis to be hypersensitive to stress, resulting in maladaptive stress response [4]. Higher CRH levels in the hypothalamus have also been associated with withdrawal from cocaine and after alcohol administration [12]. Considering these studies, elevated CRH may mediate the effect of stress, including hyperarousal, on increased substance use. As proposed by Koob, elevated CRH levels in the LC increases norepinephrine turnover, including in the amygdala, which subsequently stimulates the release of CRH in a feedforward loop that progressively increases stress response with repeated stressors [42,43]. Multiple types of substances have been shown to activate the HPA axis and catecholaminergic system, including nicotine, cannabis, cocaine, and alcohol [38]. The consequences of opioid use appears more complicated, with human studies showing downregulation of these systems and animal studies showing activation [38].

Finally, research has shown that exposure to early childhood trauma results in dysregulation of cortisol reactivity [44]. Altered cortisol reactivity may enhance the shared vulnerability for the development of substance use problems, PTSD, and other psychiatric disorders [4]. Thus, targeted SUD prevention among those with altered cortisol reactivity may be a future direction to consider among young people who have experienced early life trauma—or are the offspring of mothers with PTSD [21]. In sum, neuroimaging and lab studies suggest that comorbid PTSD and SUD share common biological etiologic factors, which highlight potential prevention and treatment targets for co-morbid PTSD and SUD in adolescents.

4. Lessons from Translational and Clinical Research

To date, many studies have investigated SUD or PTSD in isolation, excluding comorbid problems. However, recent studies continue to highlight the importance of evaluating these often-comorbid disorders within the same model or paradigm. A study by Brooks et al. that examined the association of early life adversity with alcohol use disorder (AUD) in adolescents without psychiatric comorbidity illustrates the importance of considering trauma and substance use in the same model [45]. In this study, the authors found that adolescent AUD was associated with reduced bilateral temporal volumes compared to healthy controls [45]. Regression analyses integrating early life adversity found that higher ratings of childhood trauma were associated with volumetric reductions in the right precentral gyrus and bilateral hippocampus, even after controlling for AUD [45]. The authors conclude that some changes observed in previous studies of AUD may reflect the impact of trauma or other confounders, rather than the effect of alcohol use alone [45].

Cannabis use and PTSD have also both been associated with changes in white matter tracts in the cingulum and anterior thalamic radiations [46]. In a recent study, Yeh et al. sought to investigate the impact of comorbid PTSD and cannabis use on white matter tract integrity by categorizing participants into four groups including trauma-exposed individuals with no PTSD or regular cannabis, individuals with PTSD and no regular cannabis use, trauma-exposed individuals who use cannabis and do not have PTSD, individuals with PTSD and regular cannabis use [46]. The authors found that PTSD was associated with increased fractional anisotropy (FA) in the right anterior thalamic radiation, which correlated with PTSD symptom severity [46]. On the other hand, cannabis use was associated with decreased FA in bilateral anterior thalamic radiata [46]. There was no significant interaction between PTSD and cannabis, indicating that in individuals with PTSD, cannabis use does not further alter PTSD-related alterations in this white matter tract [46].

In another study of cannabis use, Domen et al. investigated white matter integrity longitudinally in individuals with a psychotic disorder, siblings without a psychotic disorder, and healthy controls [47]. Diffusion tensor imaging studies were completed twice at an interval of three years. The authors hypothesized that childhood trauma and cannabis use would show reduced white matter FA over time [47]. When evaluating cannabis use or childhood trauma exposure independent of participant group, the authors found no significant difference in FA [47]. However, when considering group, cannabis and childhood trauma exposure were independently associated with decreases in FA in individuals with psychosis compared to non-psychotic siblings [47].

The evaluation of comorbid cocaine use disorder and PTSD has garnered valuable insights into the overlapping symptomatology and shared neurobiologic etiology of these comorbid disorders [48,49]. Gawrysiak et al. conducted BOLD fMRI scans in 34 treatment-seeking men admitted for cocaine use disorder with and without trauma after 7–10 days of supervised sobriety [50]. Individuals with cocaine use disorder and trauma showed greater functional connectivity between the amygdala and limbic-striatal regions, including nodes of mesolimbic motivational circuitry in the caudate nucleus, putamen, pallidum, and insula, compared to individuals without trauma [50]. The authors propose this heightened state of connectivity may predispose individuals with trauma to increased reactivity to drug-related cues [50]. This, in turn, might explain higher rates of relapse in individuals with comorbid cocaine use disorder and trauma.

These studies highlight the heterogeneity of neuroimaging findings. One possible explanation may be that neural pathways and etiologic factors differ by substance used. Other study factors that may contribute to heterogeneity include participant baseline characteristics, as well as neuroimaging modality and scope of the brain region investigated (i.e., agnostic vs. region-specific). Variability may also be introduced in the analysis strategy, including selection of covariates and sociodemographic factors. Yet, these studies provide examples of strategies to investigate comorbid trauma and SUD and may provide valuable mechanistic insights into these comorbid disorders.

As demonstrated by Gawrysiak et al., identifying neurobiologic changes associated with PTSD and substance use problems may identify potential vulnerabilities for relapse and facilitate the development of targeted interventions. This is especially important in the prevention and treatment of comorbid PTSD and SUD, as these comorbid disorders are associated with earlier onset of SUD, more substance-related problems, poorer treatment adherence and prognosis of both disorders, and poorer overall physical and mental health than having either disorder only [12,14].

Consistent with the proposed cyclical pattern of addiction proposed by Volkow and Koob, clinical studies have shown PTSD symptom severity is positively associated with impulsivity and substance use problems in trauma-exposed individuals [51]. Morris et al. demonstrated impulsive traits may subsequently mediate the association between PTSD and substance use. Similarly, substance use severity and frequency are significantly associated with emotion dysregulation, including difficulty controlling impulsive behaviors [52]. Emotional dysregulation may mediate the behavioral pathway between trauma exposure and problematic substance use [53]. Emotional dysregulation motivates maladaptive behaviors, including problematic substance use, that are often goal-directed to avoid negative affective states. Increased emotional dysregulation is also associated with developing alcohol dependence, more severe alcohol cravings, and frequency of cannabis use [52]. Thus, interventions that target emotional dysregulation may improve both PTSD and SUD [54].

To date, studies of SUD have emphasized the role of PTSD as a significant trigger for ongoing problematic substance use. In a large sample of adolescents receiving substance use treatment (n = 20,069), Davis et al. found that ongoing PTSD is a key mechanism for predicting return to substance use [55]. Further, the severity of PTSD symptoms was positively associated with the degree of substance use at the end of treatment [55]. Similarly, an evaluation of justice-involved youth found PTSD symptomatology was not only associated with SUD symptoms, but it may also mediate the association between SUD symptoms and externalizing behaviors [56]. Further, decreasing hyperarousal and impulsivity may be vital to reducing problematic substance use [57].

These findings highlight the importance of treating PTSD to effectively reduce problematic substance use. Few studies have been published investigating the treatment of comorbid disorders in adolescents [58,59]. Danielson et al. recently completed a randomized controlled trial of Risk Reduction through Family Therapy, demonstrating the utility of exposure-based therapy to safely treat PTSD youth with substance use problems [13]. Thus, it is feasible, and vital, to co-manage PTSD and SUD in adolescents.

5. Summary and Future Directions

Data from well-designed epidemiological studies show that most people have been exposed to one or more potentially traumatic stressors during their lives. Childhood is no exception, and by age 18 years 1 in 2 youth will experience serious interpersonal violence [60,61]. Exposure to traumatic events levies tremendous mental health burden, including PTSD and SUD, among those who experience traumatic stress, as well as on society at large. PTSD and SUD commonly co-occur in adolescents and adults and appear to have a bidirectional relation, where problematic substance use may predispose individuals to potentially traumatic exposures and individuals with PTSD are more likely to engage in problematic substance use. In this paper, we focused on comorbid PTSD and SUD, with annual financial costs to the US ranging from $460–740 billion [62]. The mental health impact of traumatic stressors appears to be exacerbated by the COVID-19 pandemic, during which we have seen significant increases across a range of behavioral health problems (e.g., opioid overdose) being reported [63,64,65]. In fact, a National Emergency in Child Mental Health has been declared as of October 2021 [66].

These high prevalence rates and costs of PTSD and SUD underscore the significance of and urgency for dedicated attention and resources to the study of their co-occurrence in adolescence, with an eye on curtailing these impacts earlier in the lifespan. While advances in the PTSD-SUD fields have been yielded (as reviewed above), our perspective is that vital empirical questions remain unanswered regarding the neural, genetic, psychophysiological, and behavioral mechanisms that underlie the bidirectional pathway between PTSD and SUD in adolescents. As we call for research dedicated to further elucidate the etiology of PTSD and SUD and their co-occurrence, we recognize the complexity in this area, including shared risk factors, overlapping clinical features, and common neurobiologic pathways. Thus, we offer the following recommendations for future directions in this area.

First, it is critical that an integrated approach is taken–where the mental health and substance use fields come together as a unified field—rather than thinking of these disorders as distinct, compartmentalized entities. Historically, the study and treatment of PTSD and SUD have occurred within silos, often even excluding co-occurrence of the other disorder as part of their research design. Relatively few studies have investigated the complex etiology of comorbid PTSD and SUD within the same model. As a result, the majority of our understanding of these often co-occurring disorders is extrapolated from comparisons between studies of PTSD and studies of substance use. Thus, we propose that to better understand the shared etiology and differences of these disorders, it is vital to consider trauma and substance use within the same model. This may require large, longitudinal studies with less restrictive inclusion criteria [47,67,68].

The Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development (ABCD) study presents a unique resource to characterize the longitudinal impact of comorbid trauma and substance use in the developing brain [69]. The largest longitudinal study of neurodevelopment, ABCD characterizes trauma [70] and substance use [71]. While the study is designed to complete baseline assessments prior to the onset of regular substance use [69], one limitation may be the degree to which the occurrence of early childhood trauma prior to enrollment is fully captured. Nevertheless, strategies to identify the unique and combined effects of these comorbid disorders may inform translational studies to further elucidate the neurobiologic underpinnings of comorbid trauma and stress disorders and SUD [47,67,68].

Second, the characterization of unique and common neurobiologic mechanisms will also benefit from the development of interdisciplinary collaborations that combine clinical and translational studies with preclinical animal studies [14]. Recent reviews highlight the value of integrating translational human studies and preclinical animal models to develop novel insights into the mechanisms of PTSD [16,72,73]. Such an approach has also proven valuable for understanding the neurobiology of addiction [18]. To date, few studies have investigated the impact of trauma and substance use within the same preclinical models. However, a seminal review by Chadwick et al. demonstrated the feasibility of utilizing preclinical models to examine the impact of these comorbid risk factors in subsequent development of psychopathology [74]. Additionally, collaborative approaches that investigate both PTSD and SUD may facilitate the identification of biologic markers that will allow more accurate treatment planning and risk stratification, including risk of relapse.

Third, while some degree of heterogeneity is inherent to ensure representation and generalizability to real world populations, experts should identify guidelines for inclusion and exclusion criteria—such that comparisons and compilations of results can more easily occur across studies. Historically, the wide range of inclusion and exclusion criteria have made it challenging to make conclusions. Differences in the study inclusion and exclusion criteria fall across multiple domains including trauma exposure vs. PTSD, acute substance use vs. chronic substance use, and binge or disordered use vs. naïve or non-disordered use, which can great impact results. For example, the severity of trauma exposure will likely differentially alter biologic systems in response to trauma or to substance use and the impact of subsequent substance use on behaviors. It is therefore not surprising that human studies have found inconsistent results.

Fourth, recruitment and retention of diverse populations across all forms of studies targeting comorbid PTSD and SUD studies are vital to ensure our research is representative and generalizes to the very populations at highest risk for trauma exposure. In a paper published in Neuroimage in July 2022, Goldfarb and colleagues presented results from a systematic review that found that only 20 out of 536 articles reported the race and ethnicity demographics of their participants [75]. The authors called for the increased diversity and transparency, which we echo here. We also recommend the inclusion of measurement of forms of trauma that particularly impact diverse populations [76].

Finally, the key role of development needs to be taken into strong consideration when approaching future research in this area. That is, while studies have identified neurobiological differences linked with trauma and SUD in adults, much less is known about the impact of comorbid trauma and substance use on the developing brain during adolescence. Studies to date as reviewed in this paper provide a strong foundation for valuable insights into the unique contributions and shared etiology of comorbid PTSD and SUD and target variables as the next steps in this line of research. Our hope is that research extending from these recommendations and beyond offer a promising pathway to move the needle in improving public health—and ultimately forestall the onset of mental illness, including PTSD and SUD, following exposure to traumatic events and adversity.

Finally, significant barriers remain to effectively engage and retain youth with comorbid disorders into treatment [77]. Ultimately, as we gain increased insights into the shared risk factors and common biologic etiology, these findings will be fundamental to developing improved prevention and treatment options for comorbid trauma and stress disorders and SUD. Elucidation of the neurobiologic etiology of these commonly comorbid disorders may identify new pharmacologic targets. Additionally, translational and clinical studies of comorbid trauma and stress disorders and SUD may identify protective factors that can be enhanced, as well as risk factors that can be mitigated, by psychotherapy. Dissemination and implementation research is vital as youth with comorbid trauma and stress disorders and SUD are among the most undertreated patients due to the difficulty of managing these co-occurring disorders. However, as demonstrated by Danielson et al., it is feasible to improve clinical outcomes through integrated treatment. Thus, additional research is needed to ensure youth with comorbid PTSD and SUD have access to evidence based treatment (RRFT) for these problems. Such advances would prove invaluable to the treatment of comorbid PTSD and SUD and will ultimately reduce the public health burden levied by these problems.

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Abstract

Early childhood maltreatment and other traumatic event experiences (“trauma”) are common among youth, including those with substance use problems including substance use disorders (SUD). Particularly, interpersonal violence is associated with high rates of comorbidity between posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and SUD, and these comorbid disorders exhibit high levels of overlapping symptomatology. Theoretical models proposed to explain the bidirectional relationship between PTSD and SUD include the self-medication hypothesis and susceptibility hypothesis. In this article, we explore neurobiologic changes associated with trauma, PTSD, and SUD that underly dysregulated stress response. Examining lessons learned from recent translational and clinical research, we propose that further elucidating the neurobiologic etiology of comorbid PTSD and SUD will require a collaborative, interdisciplinary approach, including the integration of preclinical and clinical studies, exploration of biologic markers in clinical studies, and accumulation of larger studies and longitudinal studies with the power to study PTSD and SUD. Such research can transform the field and ultimately reduce high rates and costly impairment of co-occurring PTSD and SUD across the lifespan.

Introduction

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) can develop after a person experiences or witnesses a traumatic event. It can also occur if a close family member or friend is affected by such an event. Approximately two-thirds of children encounter at least one significant traumatic event by the age of 16. Child maltreatment, including violence between people, is a frequent cause of PTSD in young individuals. In 2020, Child Protective Services in the U.S. received 3.9 million reports of child maltreatment, involving 7.1 million youth. Data also indicate that about 1 in 8 children will have a confirmed report of maltreatment. However, underreporting and challenges in follow-up often lead to underestimations of childhood maltreatment and related PTSD.

A diagnosis of PTSD involves a group of symptoms and behaviors that cause significant distress or problems in daily life. These symptoms include: recurrent intrusive thoughts or memories; persistent avoidance of things connected to the traumatic event; negative changes in mood and thinking; and changes in arousal and reactivity. It is important to note that many young people may not be aware of their own avoidant behaviors, changes in thinking or feeling, or increased alertness and other reactions that result from trauma. While children are more frequently diagnosed with PTSD after a traumatic experience than adults, many traumatized children might not receive a PTSD diagnosis and may show other mental health disorders instead. This diagnostic difficulty complicates the understanding of trauma's mental health impact in youth and the study of how trauma-related mental health conditions develop.

Among adolescents, traumatic experiences are common, especially in those with substance use disorders (SUD). Youth with PTSD are up to 14 times more likely to also have a SUD compared to those without PTSD. Specifically, young people exposed to violence from others, such as child sexual abuse, physical abuse, or witnessing violence, are more likely to use substances like cannabis, cocaine, opioids, and other drugs. Exposure to interpersonal violence is a risk factor for substance use problems in adolescence and adulthood, and for the development of SUD. This remains true even after accounting for family background and parental mental health issues. Interpersonal violence exposure also strongly predicts a co-diagnosis of PTSD and alcohol use disorder, more so than either diagnosis alone. Thus, traumatic experiences, particularly interpersonal traumas, are important risk factors for the development of both trauma and stress disorders and SUD. The presence of problematic substance use also increases the chance of experiencing potentially traumatic events, creating a cycle of trauma exposure and ongoing substance use problems among affected youth.

Among adolescents, 24–30% of those with PTSD also have SUD. Similarly, 13–25% of youth with a primary SUD also have a PTSD diagnosis. Estimates of co-occurring PTSD and SUD among adults are even higher, ranging from approximately 30–50% and up to 85% among individuals seeking treatment. Importantly, it is probable that trauma exposure, PTSD, and SUD are underdiagnosed and undertreated in young people. This is a complex issue with multiple contributing factors, including: the absence or inadequacy of screening for a history of traumatic events and substance use problems in clinical and research settings; a lack of sufficient training in the complexities of trauma assessment and how PTSD symptoms appear in youth; limited treatment-seeking among youth with co-occurring PTSD and SUD and their caregivers; and the broader separation of the mental health and substance use fields, evident in funding, education, training, and licensing. Together, these issues pose challenges to the study of co-occurring PTSD and SUD, affecting understanding of their prevalence, causes, assessment, treatment, and prevention.

This discussion explores the shared clinical symptoms and common neurobiological origins of co-occurring PTSD and SUD. It also highlights the importance of evaluating both trauma exposure and substance use in research to guide future directions in studies, assessment methods, and treatment approaches in this field. The ultimate goal is to reduce the high rates and significant costs associated with the impairment caused by co-occurring PTSD and SUD throughout a person's life.

Overlapping Clinical Symptomatology

Both clinical experience and research show a strong, two-way relationship between PTSD and SUD. These conditions, involving various substances, also share many symptoms. For example, withdrawal from alcohol is marked by anxiety, irritability, sleep problems, and an exaggerated startle response. Cocaine intoxication and withdrawal are characterized by heightened alertness, paranoia, anxiety, sleep disturbances, and mood problems. These signs and symptoms of alcohol withdrawal and cocaine intoxication or withdrawal are also key features of PTSD, especially changes in arousal and reactivity such as irritable behavior, hypervigilance, an exaggerated startle response, difficulty concentrating, and sleep disturbances. Furthermore, the presence of both disorders worsens symptoms of both PTSD and SUD more than if either disorder were present alone.

Several theoretical models attempt to explain the significant link between PTSD and SUD. One model, the susceptibility hypothesis, suggests that substance use increases the likelihood of experiencing trauma (e.g., increased vulnerability to traumatic events in situations involving heavy alcohol use). This, in turn, is associated with a greater risk of developing PTSD after traumatic experiences.

Beyond substance use acting as a risk factor for later traumatic event exposure, recent studies suggest that PTSD often develops before problematic substance use. Specifically, the "self-medication hypothesis" proposes that when young people experience distress related to trauma, their primary motivation is to use strategies, such as substance use, to avoid or lessen that distress and negative emotional state. Each time a young person uses substances and experiences temporary relief from distress, this negatively reinforces the substance use behavior, making it more likely they will use substances the next time they face a distressing trauma cue. Expanding on the self-medication hypothesis, problematic substance use may also worsen PTSD symptoms like avoidant behaviors (e.g., using marijuana to avoid being fully present in situations that trigger trauma reminders) and negative changes in thinking and mood associated with traumatic events.

A three-stage cycle of addiction vulnerability may explain how self-medication can negatively worsen both PTSD symptoms and substance use problems. In the first stage, patterns of binge substance use and intoxication activate brain circuits involved in reward. During withdrawal (the second stage), the loss of reward and activation of stress systems lead to a negative emotional state. Many symptoms of PTSD and substance withdrawal overlap, which can further intensify this negative emotional state. Subsequently, in the third stage, individuals become preoccupied with and anticipate substance use. Problems with the prefrontal cortex (PFC) contribute to increased impulsivity and craving, ultimately raising the risk for continued binge use and intoxication. Despite the significant overlapping symptoms between PTSD and SUD and the theoretical models describing their two-way relationship, more research is still needed to fully understand how these disorders co-occur. Research examining the shared biological origins of PTSD and SUD may also provide insight into this connection.

Common Neurobiologic Etiology

In addition to shared clinical symptoms, co-occurring PTSD and SUD share common biological origins, such as shared brain structures and pathways, and an altered stress response system. This research suggests potential targets for prevention and treatment of co-occurring PTSD and SUD in adolescents. Regarding common brain structures and pathways affected by trauma and substance use, much of what is known about the shared biological origins of PTSD and SUD has been learned from studying individuals with PTSD and alcohol use disorder. Functional neuroimaging studies have identified changes associated with both PTSD and alcohol use, including an overactive amygdala and an underactive ventromedial prefrontal cortex (PFC). The amygdala plays a crucial role in processes central to co-occurring PTSD and SUD, such as heightened arousal and fear learning. Changes in amygdala function subsequently lead to avoidant and drug-seeking behaviors. Repeated substance use creates long-lasting associations between environmental cues and substance use. These connections in the brain are then strengthened by ongoing substance use. It is theorized that these amygdala changes underlie the return of fear and an increased risk of relapse to substance use when triggered by a cue or stressor.

Neuroimaging studies support the central role of amygdala changes in PTSD and SUD. Overactivity of the amygdala is one of the most consistent brain changes observed in PTSD. Smaller amygdala volume has been linked to cumulative stress exposure and is inversely related to alcohol craving and drinking. Preclinical animal models also emphasize the importance of amygdala function in maintaining substance use behaviors. Studies have shown that activating specific pathways in the amygdala can reduce cue-induced relapse, suggesting these adaptive processes might be reversible. Taken together, these studies highlight the amygdala as a potential focus for future research into PTSD-SUD in young people.

Another brain region involved in PTSD and SUD is the ventromedial PFC. Exposure to stress early in life is associated with several changes in the PFC. Additionally, reduced activity in the PFC is correlated with the duration of PTSD symptoms in youth. These changes may contribute to distress, regressive behavior, anxiety, negative emotions, substance use, and PTSD. Multiple studies have also shown that reduced PFC activity is associated with difficulties in executive functions (like planning and decision-making) and alcohol craving, predicting binge drinking and higher rates of relapse in response to stress. Furthermore, connections from the PFC to the amygdala are thought to regulate fear learning (a process affected by PTSD), drug-seeking behavior, and extinction learning (learning to suppress a previously learned response). Reduced activity in these PFC-amygdala connections results in overactivity of the amygdala and, subsequently, abnormal fear conditioning and drug-seeking behavior. Most of the studies mentioned regarding the amygdala and PFC have been conducted exclusively in individuals with PTSD or those exposed to specific substances. These studies typically have relatively small participant groups and use various imaging and analysis methods. As a result, neuroimaging findings are diverse and may appear inconsistent. However, combining these findings identifies common areas of interest and suggests a mechanistic link between PTSD and SUD, mediated by the amygdala and PFC.

Both PTSD and SUD are characterized by heightened arousal and an unhealthy response to stress. Three neurotransmitter systems crucial for brain development have been identified as commonly underlying both PTSD and SUD: the mesolimbic dopamine system, the noradrenergic system, and the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis. A review of these signaling systems underscores the importance of arousal and regulatory systems in the co-occurrence of PTSD and SUD.

Research indicates that childhood adversity leads to dysregulation of the mesolimbic dopamine system. Initially, differences in dopamine signaling may increase vulnerability to developing PTSD after traumatic stress and a subsequent risk of problematic substance use. Similarly, alcohol consumption is initially driven by dopamine regulation of positive reinforcement, followed by a decrease in activity of the mesolimbic dopamine system. These changes subsequently lead to abnormal learning, a deficiency in reward processing, and anhedonia (inability to feel pleasure), predisposing individuals to drug craving and a higher risk of relapse. As a result of long-term changes in dopamine signaling, individuals with chronic substance use problems may shift from using for positive effects, such as euphoria, to using to prevent negative effects like withdrawal or craving. Considering the three-stage cycle of addiction, these brain adaptations also worsen withdrawal symptoms and negative emotions. Clinically, this manifests as increased feelings of depression, anxiety, and restlessness. Consequently, young people may develop a compulsive pattern of consumption to escape emotional distress, which is central to the self-medication hypothesis.

Traumatic stress also activates the locus coeruleus (LC), triggering a stress response mediated by norepinephrine, including the "fight-or-flight" response. Young people with a history of trauma exposure show increased baseline activity of the noradrenergic system and enhanced sympathetic nervous system tone, which are positively correlated with intrusive thoughts, avoidance, and heightened arousal. Furthermore, markers of noradrenergic activity are elevated in individuals with PTSD and during alcohol or opioid withdrawal, as well as during increased alcohol use following early life stress. Few studies to date have clarified the effect of substance use on acute stress response. Possible mechanisms include altered setpoints and adaptations in neural signaling pathways that result in dysfunctional cue reactivity and maintain drug use motivation and relapse risk. Research has shown that activating the noradrenergic system due to drug use and subsequent changes in dopamine signaling may provide a common physiological basis for PTSD and SUD.

During initial trauma exposure, elevated levels of corticotropin-releasing hormone (CRH) result in increased cortisol secretion. Elevated CRH levels in the amygdala may also mediate heightened arousal and increase fear-related behavioral responses. Over time, persistent down-regulation of CRH receptors in the anterior pituitary leads to lower baseline cortisol levels. This negative feedback loop primes the HPA axis to be hypersensitive to stress, resulting in an unhealthy stress response. Higher CRH levels in the hypothalamus have also been associated with cocaine withdrawal and after alcohol administration. Considering these studies, elevated CRH may mediate the effect of stress, including heightened arousal, on increased substance use. Elevated CRH levels in the LC increase norepinephrine turnover, including in the amygdala, which then stimulates the release of CRH in a positive feedback loop that progressively increases stress response with repeated stressors. Multiple types of substances have been shown to activate the HPA axis and the catecholaminergic system, including nicotine, cannabis, cocaine, and alcohol. The effects of opioid use appear more complex, with human studies showing a decrease in activity of these systems and animal studies showing activation.

Finally, research shows that exposure to early childhood trauma results in dysregulation of cortisol reactivity. Altered cortisol reactivity may enhance the shared vulnerability for the development of substance use problems, PTSD, and other psychiatric disorders. Thus, targeted SUD prevention among those with altered cortisol reactivity may be a future direction for young people who have experienced early life trauma—or are the offspring of mothers with PTSD. In summary, neuroimaging and laboratory studies suggest that co-occurring PTSD and SUD share common biological origins, which highlight potential targets for prevention and treatment in adolescents.

Lessons from Translational and Clinical Research

To date, many studies have investigated SUD or PTSD in isolation, excluding co-occurring problems. However, recent studies continue to emphasize the importance of evaluating these often-co-occurring disorders within the same research model. For instance, a study examining the link between early life adversity and alcohol use disorder (AUD) in adolescents without other mental health conditions showed how crucial it is to consider trauma and substance use together. This study found that adolescent AUD was associated with reduced brain volumes in certain areas compared to healthy individuals. Analyses including early life adversity showed that higher levels of childhood trauma were associated with further volume reductions in specific brain regions, even after accounting for AUD. The authors concluded that some changes observed in previous AUD studies might reflect the impact of trauma or other confounding factors, rather than just the effect of alcohol use.

Cannabis use and PTSD have both been linked to changes in white matter tracts in specific brain areas. A recent study investigated the impact of co-occurring PTSD and cannabis use on white matter integrity by classifying participants into four groups: trauma-exposed individuals without PTSD or regular cannabis use; individuals with PTSD but no regular cannabis use; trauma-exposed individuals who use cannabis but do not have PTSD; and individuals with both PTSD and regular cannabis use. The study found that PTSD was associated with increased integrity in a specific white matter tract, which correlated with PTSD symptom severity. In contrast, cannabis use was associated with decreased integrity in the same tract. There was no significant interaction between PTSD and cannabis, indicating that in individuals with PTSD, cannabis use did not further alter the PTSD-related changes in this white matter tract. In another study involving cannabis use, researchers longitudinally examined white matter integrity in individuals with a psychotic disorder, siblings without a psychotic disorder, and healthy controls. The authors hypothesized that childhood trauma and cannabis use would show reduced white matter integrity over time. While cannabis use or childhood trauma exposure did not show significant differences in white matter integrity when evaluated independently of the participant group, they were independently associated with decreases in integrity in individuals with psychosis compared to non-psychotic siblings when considering group membership.

Evaluating co-occurring cocaine use disorder and PTSD has provided valuable insights into their overlapping symptoms and shared biological origins. A study involving men seeking treatment for cocaine use disorder, with and without trauma, found that individuals with both cocaine use disorder and trauma showed greater functional connectivity between the amygdala and brain regions involved in motivation and reward. The authors suggest that this heightened connectivity might predispose individuals with trauma to increased reactivity to drug-related cues. This, in turn, could explain higher relapse rates in individuals with co-occurring cocaine use disorder and trauma. These studies highlight the diverse nature of neuroimaging findings. One possible explanation is that neural pathways and causal factors may differ depending on the specific substance used. Other factors contributing to this variability include participant characteristics, as well as the imaging methods and the scope of the brain region investigated. Variability may also arise from the analysis strategy, including the selection of statistical controls and demographic factors. Nevertheless, these studies provide examples of strategies for investigating co-occurring trauma and SUD and can offer valuable insights into the mechanisms of these conditions.

As demonstrated by studies, identifying neurobiological changes associated with PTSD and substance use problems can pinpoint potential vulnerabilities for relapse and facilitate the development of targeted interventions. This is particularly important for preventing and treating co-occurring PTSD and SUD, as these conditions are linked to earlier onset of SUD, more substance-related problems, poorer adherence to treatment and worse outcomes for both disorders, and overall poorer physical and mental health than having either disorder alone. Consistent with the proposed cyclical pattern of addiction, clinical studies show that PTSD symptom severity is positively associated with impulsivity and substance use problems in trauma-exposed individuals. Research has shown that impulsive traits may mediate the link between PTSD and substance use. Similarly, substance use severity and frequency are significantly associated with emotion dysregulation, including difficulty controlling impulsive behaviors. Emotional dysregulation may mediate the behavioral pathway between trauma exposure and problematic substance use. Increased emotional dysregulation is also associated with developing alcohol dependence, more severe alcohol cravings, and higher frequency of cannabis use. Thus, interventions that address emotional dysregulation may improve both PTSD and SUD.

To date, SUD studies have emphasized PTSD's role as a significant trigger for ongoing problematic substance use. In a large sample of adolescents receiving substance use treatment, ongoing PTSD was identified as a key factor predicting a return to substance use. Furthermore, the severity of PTSD symptoms was positively associated with the degree of substance use at the end of treatment. Similarly, an evaluation of justice-involved youth found that PTSD symptoms were not only associated with SUD symptoms but might also mediate the connection between SUD symptoms and externalizing behaviors. Additionally, reducing heightened arousal and impulsivity may be crucial to decreasing problematic substance use. These findings underscore the importance of treating PTSD to effectively reduce problematic substance use. Few studies have been published investigating the treatment of co-occurring disorders in adolescents. However, a recent randomized controlled trial demonstrated the effectiveness of exposure-based therapy in safely treating young people with PTSD and substance use problems. This indicates that it is both feasible and crucial to manage PTSD and SUD together in adolescents.

Summary and Future Directions

Data from well-designed studies show that most people have been exposed to one or more potentially traumatic stressors during their lives. Childhood is no exception, and by age 18, about half of young people will experience serious interpersonal violence. Exposure to traumatic events places a tremendous mental health burden, including PTSD and SUD, on those who experience traumatic stress, as well as on society at large. PTSD and SUD commonly co-occur in adolescents and adults and appear to have a bidirectional relationship: problematic substance use may predispose individuals to potentially traumatic exposures, and individuals with PTSD are more likely to engage in problematic substance use. This paper focused on co-occurring PTSD and SUD, which incur annual financial costs to the U.S. ranging from $460–740 billion. The mental health impact of traumatic stressors appears to be worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic, during which significant increases across various behavioral health problems (e.g., opioid overdose) have been reported. In fact, a National Emergency in Child Mental Health was declared in October 2021.

These high rates and costs of PTSD and SUD highlight the significance and urgency of dedicated attention and resources for studying their co-occurrence in adolescence, with the aim of reducing these impacts earlier in life. While progress has been made in the PTSD-SUD fields, key research questions remain unanswered regarding the neural, genetic, psychophysiological, and behavioral mechanisms underlying the two-way relationship between PTSD and SUD in adolescents. As a call is made for research dedicated to further understanding the causes of PTSD and SUD and their co-occurrence, the complexity of this area is recognized, including shared risk factors, overlapping clinical features, and common neurobiological pathways. Therefore, the following recommendations for future directions in this area are offered.

First, an integrated approach is crucial—where the mental health and substance use fields unite—rather than considering these disorders as separate, compartmentalized entities. Historically, the study and treatment of PTSD and SUD have often occurred in isolation, frequently even excluding the co-occurrence of the other disorder from research designs. Relatively few studies have investigated the complex causes of co-occurring PTSD and SUD within the same model. As a result, most of our understanding of these often co-occurring disorders is inferred from comparing studies of PTSD and studies of substance use. Thus, to better understand the shared origins and differences of these disorders, it is vital to consider trauma and substance use within the same model. This may require large, longitudinal studies with less restrictive inclusion criteria. The Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development (ABCD) study presents a unique resource to characterize the long-term impact of co-occurring trauma and substance use on the developing brain. While designed to complete baseline assessments before the onset of regular substance use, one limitation may be the extent to which early childhood trauma before enrollment is fully captured. Nevertheless, strategies to identify the unique and combined effects of these co-occurring disorders may inform translational studies to further clarify the neurobiological underpinnings of co-occurring trauma and stress disorders and SUD.

Second, characterizing unique and common neurobiological mechanisms will also benefit from developing interdisciplinary collaborations that combine clinical and translational studies with preclinical animal studies. Recent reviews highlight the value of integrating human studies and animal models to gain new insights into the mechanisms of PTSD. Such an approach has also proven valuable for understanding the neurobiology of addiction. To date, few studies have investigated the impact of trauma and substance use within the same preclinical models. However, a seminal review demonstrated the feasibility of using preclinical models to examine the impact of these co-occurring risk factors on subsequent development of mental health conditions. Additionally, collaborative approaches that investigate both PTSD and SUD may facilitate identifying biological markers that will allow more accurate treatment planning and risk assessment, including relapse risk. Third, while some variation is inherent to ensure representation and generalizability to real-world populations, experts should identify guidelines for inclusion and exclusion criteria—allowing for easier comparison and compilation of results across studies. Historically, the wide range of inclusion and exclusion criteria has made it challenging to draw conclusions. Differences in study inclusion and exclusion criteria span multiple domains, including trauma exposure versus PTSD, acute substance use versus chronic substance use, and binge or disordered use versus naive or non-disordered use, which can greatly impact results. For example, the severity of trauma exposure will likely alter biological systems differently in response to trauma or substance use, and the impact of subsequent substance use on behaviors. It is therefore not surprising that human studies have found inconsistent results.

Fourth, recruiting and retaining diverse populations across all types of studies targeting co-occurring PTSD and SUD are vital to ensure research is representative and generalizes to the populations at highest risk for trauma exposure. A systematic review found that only a small fraction of articles reported the race and ethnicity demographics of their participants, highlighting the need for increased diversity and transparency in research. It is also recommended to include measurement of forms of trauma that particularly impact diverse populations. Finally, the critical role of development needs to be strongly considered when approaching future research in this area. While studies have identified neurobiological differences linked with trauma and SUD in adults, much less is known about the impact of co-occurring trauma and substance use on the developing brain during adolescence. Existing studies provide a strong foundation for valuable insights into the unique contributions and shared origins of co-occurring PTSD and SUD and suggest target variables for the next steps in this line of research. The hope is that research stemming from these recommendations and beyond offers a promising pathway to improve public health—ultimately preventing the onset of mental illness, including PTSD and SUD, following exposure to traumatic events and adversity.

Finally, significant barriers remain to effectively engage and retain young people with co-occurring disorders in treatment. Ultimately, as greater insights are gained into the shared risk factors and common biological origins, these findings will be fundamental to developing improved prevention and treatment options for co-occurring trauma and stress disorders and SUD. Clarification of the neurobiological origins of these commonly co-occurring disorders may identify new pharmacological targets. Additionally, translational and clinical studies of co-occurring trauma and stress disorders and SUD may identify protective factors that can be enhanced, as well as risk factors that can be mitigated, by psychotherapy. Dissemination and implementation research is vital as young people with co-occurring trauma and stress disorders and SUD are among the most undertreated patients due to the difficulty of managing these co-occurring conditions. However, as demonstrated by research, it is feasible to improve clinical outcomes through integrated treatment. Thus, additional research is needed to ensure young people with co-occurring PTSD and SUD have access to evidence-based treatment for these problems. Such advancements would prove invaluable to the treatment of co-occurring PTSD and SUD and will ultimately reduce the public health burden imposed by these problems.

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Abstract

Early childhood maltreatment and other traumatic event experiences (“trauma”) are common among youth, including those with substance use problems including substance use disorders (SUD). Particularly, interpersonal violence is associated with high rates of comorbidity between posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and SUD, and these comorbid disorders exhibit high levels of overlapping symptomatology. Theoretical models proposed to explain the bidirectional relationship between PTSD and SUD include the self-medication hypothesis and susceptibility hypothesis. In this article, we explore neurobiologic changes associated with trauma, PTSD, and SUD that underly dysregulated stress response. Examining lessons learned from recent translational and clinical research, we propose that further elucidating the neurobiologic etiology of comorbid PTSD and SUD will require a collaborative, interdisciplinary approach, including the integration of preclinical and clinical studies, exploration of biologic markers in clinical studies, and accumulation of larger studies and longitudinal studies with the power to study PTSD and SUD. Such research can transform the field and ultimately reduce high rates and costly impairment of co-occurring PTSD and SUD across the lifespan.

Introduction

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) can develop after someone directly experiences or witnesses a traumatic event, or learns about trauma affecting a close family member or friend. A significant number of children, around two-thirds by age 16, experience at least one major traumatic event, with early childhood maltreatment being a primary cause of PTSD in youth. Despite millions of reports of child maltreatment annually in the U.S., studies suggest these figures vastly underestimate the true prevalence of both childhood maltreatment and related PTSD.

PTSD is diagnosed when specific symptoms cause significant distress or impairment. These symptoms include recurrent intrusive thoughts, persistent avoidance of trauma-related stimuli, negative changes in mood and thinking, and alterations in arousal and reactivity. Diagnosing PTSD in young people can be complex, as they may not recognize their own avoidant behaviors or changes in mood and arousal. Consequently, many traumatized children might not receive a PTSD diagnosis, instead manifesting other mental health conditions, which complicates understanding the full impact of trauma.

Traumatic experiences are prevalent among adolescents with substance use disorders (SUD). Youth with PTSD are significantly more likely to also have a SUD. Exposure to interpersonal violence—such as child sexual abuse, physical abuse, or witnessed violence—increases the likelihood of using substances like cannabis, cocaine, and opioids, and is a strong risk factor for developing SUD in adolescence and adulthood. This creates a challenging cycle, where traumatic experiences can lead to SUD, and substance use in turn increases the risk of further traumatic events.

The co-occurrence of PTSD and SUD is common, affecting 24–30% of youth with PTSD and 13–25% of youth with SUD. These rates are even higher in adults, particularly among those seeking treatment. However, many young people with co-occurring PTSD and SUD are likely underdiagnosed and untreated. This issue stems from factors such as insufficient screening for trauma and substance use, lack of specialized training for assessing PTSD in youth, limited treatment-seeking by affected youth and their caregivers, and a general separation between mental health and substance use fields in terms of funding and training.

These systemic problems make it difficult to study the prevalence, causes, assessment, and treatment of co-occurring PTSD and SUD. Understanding the shared clinical symptoms and common brain-based causes of these conditions is crucial. Investigating the interplay between trauma exposure and substance use in research can guide future directions in assessment and treatment, aiming to reduce the high rates and significant costs of co-occurring PTSD and SUD across the lifespan.

Overlapping Clinical Symptomatology

Clinical observations and research confirm a strong, two-way relationship between PTSD and SUD. Both conditions, across various substances, exhibit shared symptoms. For instance, alcohol withdrawal can manifest as anxiety, irritability, sleep disturbances, and an exaggerated startle response. Similarly, cocaine intoxication or withdrawal can involve hypervigilance, paranoia, anxiety, sleep problems, and mood issues. These manifestations mirror core features of PTSD, particularly changes in arousal and reactivity, such as irritability, hypervigilance, and difficulty with concentration or sleep. When these disorders co-occur, the symptoms of each tend to be more severe than if either disorder occurred alone. Several theories explain this strong connection; one, the susceptibility hypothesis, suggests that substance use can increase the likelihood of experiencing trauma (e.g., heavy alcohol use increasing vulnerability), which then raises the risk of developing PTSD.

Beyond substance use increasing trauma exposure, other views suggest PTSD often develops before problematic substance use. The "self-medication hypothesis" is a model based on negative reinforcement, proposing that individuals experiencing trauma-related distress are motivated to use substances to avoid or lessen this distress and negative emotions. Each time substance use temporarily relieves distress, it reinforces the behavior, making future substance use more likely when facing distressing trauma cues. Moreover, problematic substance use can worsen PTSD symptoms like avoidant behaviors (e.g., using marijuana to avoid trauma reminders) and negative changes in thinking and mood linked to the traumatic event.

A three-stage cycle of addiction vulnerability, proposed by Volkow and Koob, illustrates how self-medication can worsen both PTSD symptoms and substance use problems. The first stage involves binge patterns of substance use leading to the activation of brain circuits related to reward. In the second stage, withdrawal causes a loss of reward and activation of stress systems, leading to a negative emotional state. The overlap between many PTSD symptoms and substance withdrawal symptoms can further intensify this negative state. The third stage involves an individual becoming preoccupied with and anticipating substance use. Dysregulation in the prefrontal cortex contributes to increased impulsivity and cravings, raising the risk of continued binge use. Despite these shared symptoms and theoretical models, more research is needed to fully understand how these disorders co-occur, including investigating their common neurobiological origins.

Common Neurobiologic Etiology

Beyond shared clinical symptoms, co-occurring PTSD and SUD share common biological origins, including altered brain pathways and stress response systems. This shared biology offers potential targets for preventing and treating these conditions in adolescents. Much of the understanding about the common brain-based causes of PTSD and SUD comes from studying individuals with PTSD and alcohol use disorder. Research using neuroimaging has identified changes in areas like the amygdala and the ventromedial prefrontal cortex (PFC). The amygdala, crucial for fear and arousal, often shows hyperactivity in PTSD, and its altered function is linked to avoidant and drug-seeking behaviors. The PFC, involved in executive functions, often shows reduced activity in both PTSD and SUD, impacting impulse control and increasing cravings. These brain regions are interconnected, and dysregulation in one can affect the other, contributing to the development and maintenance of both disorders. While neuroimaging studies can be diverse in their methods and findings, they consistently point to these regions as central to the PTSD-SUD connection.

PTSD and SUD also involve hyperarousal and unhealthy responses to stress. Three key neurotransmission systems, fundamental to brain development, are commonly affected in both conditions: the mesolimbic dopamine system, the noradrenergic system, and the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis. Dysregulation of the mesolimbic dopamine system, often seen after childhood adversity, can increase vulnerability to both PTSD and problematic substance use. Initially, substance use may be motivated by positive effects linked to dopamine, but chronic use leads to a reduction in dopamine activity, causing a reward deficiency and anhedonia, which in turn can drive drug cravings and increase relapse risk. This shift from seeking pleasure to avoiding negative states, like withdrawal, contributes to compulsive substance use, aligning with the self-medication hypothesis.

The noradrenergic system, which includes the locus coeruleus (LC), is activated by traumatic stress, triggering the "fight-or-flight" response. Individuals with a history of trauma often show increased baseline activity in this system, which correlates with symptoms like intrusive thoughts and hyperarousal. Markers of noradrenergic activity are also elevated in individuals with PTSD and during alcohol or opioid withdrawal. Research suggests that substance-induced sensitization of the noradrenergic system, affecting dopamine signaling, may provide a common biological basis for PTSD and SUD.

The HPA axis, another critical stress response system, also plays a role. Initial trauma exposure leads to elevated levels of corticotropin-releasing hormone (CRH) and cortisol. Over time, this system can become hypersensitive to stress, leading to a maladaptive stress response. Elevated CRH levels in areas like the amygdala are linked to hyperarousal and fear, and also to withdrawal from substances like cocaine and alcohol. This suggests that CRH may mediate the impact of stress on increased substance use. Certain substances, including nicotine, cannabis, cocaine, and alcohol, are known to activate the HPA axis.

Overall, neuroimaging and laboratory studies indicate that co-occurring PTSD and SUD share common biological origins. For example, early childhood trauma can alter cortisol reactivity, increasing the shared vulnerability for developing substance use problems, PTSD, and other psychiatric conditions. Identifying these shared biological factors helps pinpoint potential targets for prevention and treatment strategies for adolescents facing both PTSD and SUD.

Lessons from Translational and Clinical Research

Many studies have historically examined substance use disorder (SUD) or PTSD in isolation, often overlooking their frequent co-occurrence. However, recent research increasingly highlights the importance of evaluating these often-comorbid conditions within the same framework. For example, a study on adolescents with alcohol use disorder (AUD) and early life adversity showed that some brain changes previously linked solely to AUD might actually reflect the impact of trauma. Similarly, studies investigating cannabis use and PTSD have explored their combined effects on brain white matter, revealing distinct yet sometimes overlapping changes. While findings can be diverse due to varied participant characteristics, neuroimaging methods, and analytical approaches, these integrated studies provide valuable insights into the complex interplay between trauma and substance use.

Research on co-occurring cocaine use disorder and PTSD has offered significant insights into their shared symptoms and brain-based causes. One study found that men with cocaine use disorder and a history of trauma showed increased functional connectivity between the amygdala and brain regions involved in motivation and reward. This heightened connectivity may make individuals with trauma more reactive to drug-related cues, potentially explaining higher relapse rates in those with both conditions. Such findings underscore how identifying specific brain changes associated with PTSD and substance use can reveal vulnerabilities for relapse and guide the development of targeted interventions.

It is crucial to address co-occurring PTSD and SUD because these combined disorders are linked to an earlier onset of substance use, more severe substance-related problems, poorer adherence to treatment, and worse overall physical and mental health outcomes compared to having either disorder alone. Clinical studies indicate a strong connection between the severity of PTSD symptoms and impulsivity and substance use problems. Impulsive traits and difficulty regulating emotions can mediate the relationship between trauma and problematic substance use, as individuals may use substances to avoid negative emotional states. Therefore, interventions that target emotional dysregulation may improve both PTSD and SUD.

Ongoing PTSD is a key factor in predicting continued substance use, with symptom severity correlating with the extent of substance use even at the end of treatment. This highlights the importance of treating PTSD to effectively reduce problematic substance use. While there have been relatively few studies on integrated treatment for co-occurring disorders in adolescents, recent randomized controlled trials have demonstrated the effectiveness of exposure-based therapy for youth with PTSD and substance use problems. This indicates that managing both PTSD and SUD simultaneously in adolescents is not only feasible but also vital for improving patient outcomes.

Summary and Future Directions

Epidemiological studies reveal that most individuals, including children and adolescents, experience one or more potentially traumatic stressors during their lives, with serious interpersonal violence affecting many youth. Traumatic exposure imposes a substantial mental health burden, including PTSD and substance use disorder (SUD). These conditions frequently co-occur in both adolescents and adults, often exhibiting a two-way relationship where substance use can increase exposure to trauma, and PTSD can lead to problematic substance use. The societal costs of co-occurring PTSD and SUD are immense, and the mental health impact of trauma appears to have worsened during recent global events, prompting a national emergency declaration in child mental health.

Given these high prevalence rates and significant costs, dedicated attention and resources are urgently needed to study the co-occurrence of PTSD and SUD in adolescence. While progress has been made, crucial questions remain regarding the neural, genetic, psychophysiological, and behavioral mechanisms that underlie the relationship between PTSD and SUD in young people. This area of study is complex, involving shared risk factors, overlapping clinical features, and common neurobiological pathways. To address this complexity, an integrated approach is essential, where mental health and substance use are viewed as a unified field rather than separate entities. Large, longitudinal studies and interdisciplinary collaborations, which combine clinical insights with preclinical animal studies, are vital to fully characterize the unique and shared neurobiological mechanisms. Resources like the Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development (ABCD) study offer significant potential for this research.

To facilitate better comparisons and syntheses of research findings, it is critical for experts to establish clearer guidelines for study inclusion and exclusion criteria. Historically, the wide variation in these criteria has made it challenging to draw consistent conclusions across studies. Additionally, recruiting and retaining diverse populations across all types of studies focusing on comorbid PTSD and SUD is paramount. This ensures that research findings are representative and applicable to the populations most affected by trauma exposure.

Finally, the developmental stage, particularly adolescence, must be strongly considered in future research. While studies have identified neurobiological differences linked to trauma and SUD in adults, less is known about how co-occurring trauma and substance use impact the developing brain during adolescence. Understanding these developmental effects is key to improving public health and preventing the onset of mental illnesses like PTSD and SUD following traumatic events.

Significant barriers persist in effectively engaging and retaining young people with co-occurring disorders in treatment. However, as insights into shared risk factors and biological origins grow, these findings will be fundamental to developing improved prevention and treatment options, including potential new medications and enhanced psychotherapies. Research focused on the dissemination and implementation of these new approaches is crucial, as youth with comorbid trauma and stress disorders and SUD are often undertreated. Demonstrations of successful integrated treatment models confirm that it is feasible to improve clinical outcomes, underscoring the need for further research to ensure all youth with co-occurring PTSD and SUD have access to evidence-based care.

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Abstract

Early childhood maltreatment and other traumatic event experiences (“trauma”) are common among youth, including those with substance use problems including substance use disorders (SUD). Particularly, interpersonal violence is associated with high rates of comorbidity between posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and SUD, and these comorbid disorders exhibit high levels of overlapping symptomatology. Theoretical models proposed to explain the bidirectional relationship between PTSD and SUD include the self-medication hypothesis and susceptibility hypothesis. In this article, we explore neurobiologic changes associated with trauma, PTSD, and SUD that underly dysregulated stress response. Examining lessons learned from recent translational and clinical research, we propose that further elucidating the neurobiologic etiology of comorbid PTSD and SUD will require a collaborative, interdisciplinary approach, including the integration of preclinical and clinical studies, exploration of biologic markers in clinical studies, and accumulation of larger studies and longitudinal studies with the power to study PTSD and SUD. Such research can transform the field and ultimately reduce high rates and costly impairment of co-occurring PTSD and SUD across the lifespan.

Introduction

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) can develop after someone directly experiences or witnesses a traumatic event, or learns about a close family member or friend experiencing one. About two-thirds of children experience at least one significant traumatic event by age 16. Early childhood abuse or neglect, including violence between people, is a common cause of PTSD in young individuals. In 2020, there were 3.9 million reports of child maltreatment in the U.S., affecting 7.1 million youth. Data also show that 1 in 8 children will have a confirmed report of child maltreatment. However, underreporting and challenges in follow-up often lead studies to underestimate the true number of childhood maltreatment cases and the resulting PTSD.

Diagnosing PTSD involves a set of symptoms and behaviors that cause significant distress or problems in daily life. These symptoms include: (1) repeated unwanted memories or thoughts; (2) actively avoiding things linked to the traumatic event; (3) negative changes in mood and thinking; and (4) changes in how a person reacts and becomes easily startled or irritable. It is important to note that many young people may not recognize avoidant behaviors, changes in their thoughts or feelings, or heightened reactivity as results of trauma. As a result, while children are more likely to be diagnosed with PTSD after trauma than adults, many traumatized children might not receive a PTSD diagnosis and may instead show symptoms of other mental health conditions. This diagnostic difficulty makes it harder to understand the full mental health impact of trauma in youth and to study its causes.

For adolescents specifically, traumatic experiences are common among those with substance use disorders (SUD). Young people with PTSD are up to 14 times more likely to also have an SUD than youth without PTSD. In particular, young people exposed to violence from others, such as child sexual abuse, physical abuse, or witnessing violence, are more likely to use substances like cannabis, cocaine, opioids, and other drugs. In fact, exposure to violence from others is a risk factor for substance use problems in adolescence and adulthood, and for developing an SUD, even when considering family background and parental mental health issues. This type of violence exposure also strongly increases the risk of being diagnosed with both PTSD and alcohol use disorder, more so than having either diagnosis alone. Thus, traumatic experiences, especially interpersonal traumas, are important risk factors for developing co-occurring trauma and stress disorders with SUD. The presence of problematic substance use also increases the risk of experiencing potentially traumatic events, creating a cycle of trauma exposure and ongoing substance use problems for young people who have been victimized.

Among adolescents, 24–30% of young people with PTSD also have an SUD. Similarly, 13–25% of young people primarily diagnosed with an SUD also have PTSD. Estimates for co-occurring PTSD and SUD in adults are even higher, ranging from approximately 30–50% and up to 85% among individuals seeking treatment. Importantly, it is likely that trauma exposure, PTSD, and SUD are underdiagnosed and untreated in young people. This is a complex issue with several contributing factors: (1) a lack of or inadequate screening for past traumatic events and substance use problems in healthcare and research settings; (2) insufficient training in the details of trauma assessment and how PTSD symptoms appear in youth; (3) limited willingness among young people with co-occurring PTSD and SUD and their caregivers to seek treatment; and (4) the separation of the mental health and substance use fields, which is seen in funding, education, training, and licensing. Together, these problems make it challenging to study co-occurring PTSD and SUD, including understanding their prevalence, causes, assessment, treatment, and prevention.

This discussion explores the shared clinical symptoms and common biological causes of co-occurring PTSD and SUD. It offers insights into the importance of evaluating both trauma exposure and substance use in research to guide future directions in this field, aiming to reduce the high rates and significant problems caused by co-occurring PTSD and SUD throughout a person's life.

Overlapping Clinical Symptomatology

Both clinical experience and research show a strong, two-way relationship between PTSD and SUD. These conditions also display similar symptoms for various substances. For instance, alcohol withdrawal can cause anxiety, irritability, sleep problems, and an exaggerated startle response. Cocaine intoxication and withdrawal can lead to heightened alertness, paranoia, anxiety, sleep issues, and mood problems. These signs and symptoms of alcohol or cocaine withdrawal are also key features of PTSD, especially changes in arousal and reactivity like irritable behavior, being overly alert, an exaggerated startle response, difficulty concentrating, and sleep disturbance. Furthermore, when these disorders occur together, they worsen the symptoms of both PTSD and SUD more than if either disorder were present alone. Multiple theories have been proposed to explain the significant link between PTSD and SUD. One example is the "susceptibility hypothesis," which suggests that substance use increases the likelihood of experiencing trauma (e.g., higher vulnerability to traumatic events when heavily using alcohol), which, in turn, is linked to a greater risk of developing PTSD after a traumatic experience.

Beyond substance use acting as a risk factor for later traumatic events, other recent studies suggest that PTSD often develops before problematic substance use. Specifically, the "self-medication hypothesis" is a model that proposes when young people experience trauma-related distress, they are primarily motivated to use substances to avoid or lessen that distress and negative feelings. Each time a young person uses substances and the distress is temporarily relieved, it reinforces the substance use behavior, making it more likely they will use substances the next time they face a distressing reminder of the trauma. Extending from this idea, problematic substance use may also worsen PTSD symptoms like avoidant behaviors (e.g., using marijuana to avoid fully experiencing situations that trigger trauma memories) and negative changes in thinking and mood linked to traumatic events.

As described by Volkow and Koob, a three-stage cycle of addiction vulnerability may explain how self-medication can negatively worsen PTSD symptoms and substance use problems. In the first stage, patterns of heavy substance use and intoxication activate brain circuits that control reward. During withdrawal (the second stage), the loss of reward and activation of stress systems result in a negative emotional state. Many symptoms of PTSD and substance withdrawal overlap, which can further intensify this negative emotional state. Afterward, in the third stage, individuals become preoccupied with and anticipate using substances. Problems with the prefrontal cortex (PFC) contribute to increased impulsivity and cravings, ultimately increasing the risk for continued heavy use and intoxication. Despite the significant overlap in symptoms between PTSD and SUD and the theories describing their two-way relationship, more research is still needed to fully understand how these disorders co-occur. Research examining the shared biological causes of PTSD and SUD may also provide insight into this connection.

Common Neurobiologic Etiology

In addition to overlapping clinical symptoms, co-occurring PTSD and SUD share common biological factors, such such as shared brain structures and pathways, and an altered stress response system. This research reveals potential targets for preventing and treating co-occurring PTSD and SUD in adolescents. Regarding common brain structures and pathways changed by trauma and substance use, much of what is known about the shared biological causes of PTSD and SUD has come from studies of individuals with PTSD and alcohol use disorder. Brain imaging studies have identified changes linked to both PTSD and alcohol use, including an overactive amygdala and an underactive ventromedial prefrontal cortex (PFC). The amygdala manages processes essential to co-occurring PTSD and SUD, such as heightened arousal and fear learning. Changes in amygdala function then lead to avoidant and drug-seeking behaviors. Repeated substance use creates long-lasting memories linking environmental cues with substance use. These connections are then strengthened by ongoing substance use. It is believed that these amygdala changes underlie the return of fear and an increased risk of relapsing to substance use when triggered by a cue or stressor.

Brain imaging studies support the central role of amygdala changes in PTSD and SUD. Overactivity of the amygdala is one of the most consistent brain changes observed in PTSD. Smaller amygdala volume has been shown to be related to cumulative stress exposure, and also inversely linked to alcohol cravings and drinking. Preclinical animal models also emphasize the importance of amygdala function in maintaining substance use behaviors. Recently, studies have shown that activating certain proteins in the amygdala can reduce cue-induced relapses, suggesting these changes might be reversible. Together, these studies highlight the amygdala as a potential target for future PTSD-SUD research involving young people.

Another brain region involved in PTSD and SUD is the ventromedial PFC. Exposure to stress early in life is linked to several changes in the PFC. Additionally, reduced activity in the PFC is correlated with how long PTSD symptoms last in young people. These changes may explain distress, immature behavior, anxiety, negative emotions, substance use, and PTSD. Multiple studies have also revealed that underactivity in the PFC is associated with problems in executive function (like planning and decision-making) and alcohol cravings, and it predicts binge drinking and higher rates of relapse in response to stress. Furthermore, the connections from the PFC to the amygdala are thought to control fear learning (a process affected by PTSD), drug-seeking behavior, and the ability to unlearn fear. These underactive PFC-amygdala connections lead to an overactive amygdala and, consequently, abnormal fear learning and drug-seeking behavior. Most of these studies on the amygdala and PFC have focused only on PTSD or specific substance exposures. These studies typically involve relatively small groups and use various imaging and analysis methods. As a result, brain imaging findings are diverse and may seem inconsistent. However, combining these findings points to common areas of interest and suggests a biological link between PTSD and SUD, mediated by the amygdala and PFC.

PTSD and SUD are both characterized by heightened arousal and an unhealthy response to stress. Three neurotransmitter systems are commonly involved in both PTSD and SUD and are crucial for brain development. These include the mesolimbic dopamine system, the noradrenergic system, and the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis. A review of these signaling systems highlights the importance of arousal and regulatory systems in the co-occurrence of PTSD and SUD. Research has shown that childhood adversity leads to problems in the mesolimbic dopamine system. Initially, differences in dopamine signaling may increase vulnerability to developing PTSD after traumatic stress and subsequently increase the risk of developing problematic substance use. Similarly, alcohol drinking is initially motivated by dopamine's role in positive reinforcement, followed by a decrease in the mesolimbic dopamine system's activity. These changes then lead to abnormal learning, a lack of reward, and anhedonia (inability to feel pleasure), making the individual prone to drug cravings and a higher risk of relapse.

As a result of long-term changes in dopamine signaling, individuals with ongoing substance use problems may shift from using for positive effects, like euphoria, to using to prevent negative effects (e.g., withdrawal, cravings). Considering the three-stage addiction cycle proposed by Volkow and Koob, these brain adaptations also worsen withdrawal symptoms and negative emotions. Clinically, this appears as increased feelings of depression, anxiety, and restlessness. Consequently, the young person may develop a compulsive pattern of substance use to escape feeling bad, which is central to the self-medication hypothesis.

Traumatic stress also activates the locus coeruleus (LC), triggering a stress response involving norepinephrine, including the "fight-or-flight" reaction. Young people with a history of trauma exposure show increased normal functioning of the noradrenergic system and enhanced sympathetic nervous system activity, which are positively linked to intrusive thoughts, avoidance, and heightened arousal. Furthermore, markers of noradrenergic activity are elevated in individuals with PTSD and during alcohol or opioid withdrawal, as well as with increased alcohol use after early life stress. Few studies to date have clarified how substance use affects the acute stress response. Possible mechanisms include altered setpoints and adaptations in brain signaling pathways that lead to problematic cue reactions and maintain drug use motivation and relapse risk. To explore the biological causes of co-occurring PTSD and SUD, researchers developed a preclinical rat model exposed to trauma that developed PTSD-like symptoms. When the noradrenergic system was activated by giving amphetamine, rats showed increased reactivity of dopamine neurons and an increased stress response. Thus, noradrenergic sensitization due to drug use and subsequent changes in dopamine signaling may provide a common biological basis for PTSD and SUD.

During initial trauma exposure, elevated levels of corticotropin-releasing hormone (CRH) lead to increased release of cortisol. Elevated CRH levels in the amygdala may also cause heightened arousal and increase fear-related behaviors. Over time, a persistent decrease in CRH receptors in the anterior pituitary results in lower baseline cortisol levels. This negative feedback loop makes the HPA axis overly sensitive to stress, leading to an unhealthy stress response. Higher CRH levels in the hypothalamus have also been linked to cocaine withdrawal and after alcohol consumption. Considering these studies, elevated CRH may explain how stress, including heightened arousal, leads to increased substance use. As suggested by Koob, elevated CRH levels in the LC increase norepinephrine activity, including in the amygdala, which then stimulates CRH release in a cycle that progressively increases the stress response with repeated stressors. Multiple types of substances have been shown to activate the HPA axis and the catecholamine system, including nicotine, cannabis, cocaine, and alcohol. The effects of opioid use appear more complex, with human studies showing a decrease in these systems and animal studies showing activation.

Finally, research has shown that exposure to early childhood trauma results in problems with cortisol reactivity. Altered cortisol reactivity may enhance the shared vulnerability for developing substance use problems, PTSD, and other mental health conditions. Thus, targeted SUD prevention among those with altered cortisol reactivity may be a future direction to consider for young people who have experienced early life trauma, or who are the children of mothers with PTSD. In summary, brain imaging and lab studies suggest that co-occurring PTSD and SUD share common biological causes, which highlight potential prevention and treatment targets for these conditions in adolescents.

Lessons from Translational and Clinical Research

Until now, many studies have investigated substance use disorder (SUD) or PTSD on their own, often excluding the presence of both problems. However, recent studies continue to emphasize the importance of evaluating these often co-occurring disorders within the same study design. A study by Brooks and colleagues, which examined the link between early life adversity and alcohol use disorder (AUD) in adolescents without other mental health conditions, shows the importance of considering trauma and substance use together. In this study, the authors found that adolescent AUD was linked to reduced brain volumes in the temporal regions compared to healthy individuals. Regression analyses that included early life adversity found that higher reports of childhood trauma were associated with reduced volumes in other brain areas, even after accounting for AUD. The authors concluded that some brain changes observed in previous AUD studies might actually reflect the impact of trauma or other factors, rather than just the effect of alcohol use.

Cannabis use and PTSD have both been linked to changes in white matter connections in the brain. In a recent study, Yeh and colleagues investigated how co-occurring PTSD and cannabis use affect white matter by dividing participants into four groups: trauma-exposed individuals without PTSD or regular cannabis use, individuals with PTSD but no regular cannabis use, trauma-exposed individuals who use cannabis but do not have PTSD, and individuals with both PTSD and regular cannabis use. The authors found that PTSD was associated with increased brain connectivity in one area, which correlated with the severity of PTSD symptoms. On the other hand, cannabis use was associated with decreased connectivity in the same brain area. There was no significant interaction between PTSD and cannabis, suggesting that in individuals with PTSD, cannabis use does not further alter the white matter changes related to PTSD. In another study of cannabis use, Domen and colleagues longitudinally investigated white matter integrity in individuals with a psychotic disorder, their siblings without a psychotic disorder, and healthy controls. Brain imaging studies were completed twice over three years. The authors hypothesized that childhood trauma and cannabis use would show reduced white matter integrity over time. When evaluating cannabis use or childhood trauma exposure independently of the participant group, the authors found no significant difference in white matter. However, when considering the group, cannabis and childhood trauma exposure were independently associated with decreases in white matter in individuals with psychosis compared to non-psychotic siblings.

Studying co-occurring cocaine use disorder and PTSD has provided valuable insights into the overlapping symptoms and shared biological causes of these conditions. Gawrysiak and colleagues conducted brain scans in 34 men seeking treatment for cocaine use disorder, both with and without trauma, after 7–10 days of supervised sobriety. Individuals with cocaine use disorder and trauma showed stronger functional connections between the amygdala and other brain regions involved in motivation, compared to individuals without trauma. The authors suggest this heightened state of connectivity may make individuals with trauma more reactive to drug-related cues. This, in turn, might explain higher rates of relapse in individuals with co-occurring cocaine use disorder and trauma. These studies highlight the variety of brain imaging findings. One possible explanation is that brain pathways and underlying causes may differ depending on the substance used. Other factors that may contribute to variety include participant characteristics, as well as the type of brain imaging used and the specific brain region examined. Variability may also be introduced by the analysis strategy, including the selection of variables and demographic factors. Yet, these studies provide examples of ways to investigate co-occurring trauma and SUD and may offer valuable insights into the mechanisms of these conditions.

As demonstrated by Gawrysiak and colleagues, identifying biological brain changes associated with PTSD and substance use problems may pinpoint potential vulnerabilities for relapse and help develop targeted treatments. This is especially important for preventing and treating co-occurring PTSD and SUD, as these combined disorders are linked to earlier onset of SUD, more substance-related problems, poorer treatment adherence and prognosis for both disorders, and worse overall physical and mental health than having either disorder alone. Consistent with the proposed cycle of addiction by Volkow and Koob, clinical studies have shown that PTSD symptom severity is positively associated with impulsivity and substance use problems in trauma-exposed individuals. Morris and colleagues showed that impulsive traits may then explain the link between PTSD and substance use. Similarly, substance use severity and frequency are significantly associated with difficulty regulating emotions, including trouble controlling impulsive behaviors. Emotional dysregulation may explain the behavioral connection between trauma exposure and problematic substance use. Increased emotional dysregulation is also linked to developing alcohol dependence, more severe alcohol cravings, and frequency of cannabis use. Thus, treatments that target emotional dysregulation may improve both PTSD and SUD.

To date, studies of SUD have highlighted PTSD as a significant trigger for ongoing problematic substance use. In a large group of adolescents receiving substance use treatment, Davis and colleagues found that ongoing PTSD is a key factor in predicting a return to substance use. Furthermore, the severity of PTSD symptoms was positively linked to the degree of substance use at the end of treatment. Similarly, an evaluation of justice-involved youth found that PTSD symptoms were not only associated with SUD symptoms, but they might also explain the link between SUD symptoms and externalizing behaviors. Additionally, reducing heightened arousal and impulsivity may be vital to decreasing problematic substance use. These findings emphasize the importance of treating PTSD to effectively reduce problematic substance use. Few studies have been published investigating the treatment of co-occurring disorders in adolescents. Danielson and colleagues recently completed a study of "Risk Reduction through Family Therapy," demonstrating that exposure-based therapy can safely treat young people with PTSD who also have substance use problems. Thus, it is possible and crucial to manage both PTSD and SUD in adolescents at the same time.

Summary and Future Directions

Information from well-designed studies shows that most people have experienced one or more potentially traumatic stressors during their lives. Childhood is no exception, and by age 18, 1 in 2 young people will experience serious interpersonal violence. Exposure to traumatic events places a tremendous mental health burden, including PTSD and SUD, on those who experience traumatic stress, as well as on society in general. PTSD and SUD commonly occur together in adolescents and adults and appear to have a two-way relationship, where problematic substance use may make individuals more likely to experience traumatic events, and individuals with PTSD are more likely to engage in problematic substance use. This paper focused on co-occurring PTSD and SUD, which incurs annual financial costs in the U.S. ranging from $460–740 billion. The mental health impact of traumatic stressors appears to be worsened by the COVID-19 pandemic, during which there have been significant increases in various behavioral health problems, such as opioid overdoses. In fact, a National Emergency in Child Mental Health was declared in October 2021.

These high rates and costs of PTSD and SUD underscore the significance and urgency of dedicated attention and resources to study their co-occurrence in adolescence, with the aim of reducing these impacts earlier in life. While progress has been made in the PTSD-SUD fields, as reviewed above, there remain important unanswered questions regarding the brain, genetic, physiological, and behavioral mechanisms that underlie the two-way pathway between PTSD and SUD in adolescents. As calls are made for research to further clarify the causes of PTSD and SUD and their co-occurrence, the complexity in this area is recognized, including shared risk factors, overlapping clinical features, and common biological pathways. Therefore, the following recommendations are offered for future directions in this area.

First, an integrated approach is crucial—where the mental health and substance use fields come together as one unified field—rather than viewing these disorders as distinct, separate issues. Historically, the study and treatment of PTSD and SUD have occurred in isolation, often even excluding the co-occurrence of the other disorder in their research design. Relatively few studies have investigated the complex causes of co-occurring PTSD and SUD within the same research model. As a result, most understanding of these often co-occurring disorders is inferred from comparing studies of PTSD with studies of substance use. Thus, to better understand the shared causes and differences of these disorders, it is vital to consider trauma and substance use within the same model. This may require large, long-term studies with fewer strict inclusion criteria. The Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development (ABCD) study offers a unique resource to characterize the long-term impact of co-occurring trauma and substance use on the developing brain. While the study is designed to complete initial assessments before regular substance use begins, one limitation may be how fully early childhood trauma before enrollment is captured. Nevertheless, strategies to identify the unique and combined effects of these co-occurring disorders may inform studies that bridge basic science and clinical application to further explain the biological underpinnings of co-occurring trauma and stress disorders and SUD.

Second, describing unique and common brain mechanisms will also benefit from developing interdisciplinary collaborations that combine clinical studies, studies that apply scientific discoveries, and preclinical animal studies. Recent reviews highlight the value of integrating human studies and animal models to gain new insights into the mechanisms of PTSD. Such an approach has also proven valuable for understanding the biology of addiction. To date, few studies have investigated the impact of trauma and substance use within the same preclinical models. However, a significant review showed that it is possible to use preclinical models to examine the impact of these co-occurring risk factors on the subsequent development of mental health problems. Additionally, collaborative approaches that investigate both PTSD and SUD may help identify biological markers that will allow more accurate treatment planning and risk assessment, including the risk of relapse.

Third, while some variety is necessary to ensure research findings are representative and apply to real-world populations, experts should identify guidelines for who can be included or excluded from studies. This would make comparisons and compilations of results easier across different studies. Historically, the wide range of inclusion and exclusion criteria has made it challenging to draw firm conclusions. Differences in study criteria exist across many areas, including trauma exposure versus a full PTSD diagnosis, acute substance use versus chronic substance use, and heavy or disordered use versus no or non-disordered use, which can greatly impact results. For example, the severity of trauma exposure will likely change biological systems differently in response to trauma or substance use, and thus affect how subsequent substance use impacts behaviors. It is therefore not surprising that human studies have found inconsistent results.

Fourth, recruiting and keeping diverse populations in all types of studies focusing on co-occurring PTSD and SUD is vital to ensure research is representative and applies to the very populations at highest risk for trauma exposure. In a paper published in Neuroimage in July 2022, Goldfarb and colleagues presented results from a systematic review that found only 20 out of 536 articles reported the racial and ethnic demographics of their participants. The authors called for increased diversity and transparency, which is echoed here. It is also recommended to include measurement of forms of trauma that particularly impact diverse populations.

Finally, the key role of development needs to be strongly considered when approaching future research in this area. That is, while studies have identified biological differences linked with trauma and SUD in adults, much less is known about the impact of co-occurring trauma and substance use on the developing brain during adolescence. Studies to date, as reviewed in this paper, provide a strong foundation for valuable insights into the unique contributions and shared causes of co-occurring PTSD and SUD and identify target variables for the next steps in this research. The hope is that research stemming from these recommendations and beyond offers a promising path to improve public health and ultimately prevent the onset of mental illness, including PTSD and SUD, following exposure to traumatic events and adversity.

Significant barriers remain to effectively engage and keep young people with co-occurring disorders in treatment. Ultimately, as greater insights are gained into the shared risk factors and common biological causes, these findings will be fundamental to developing improved prevention and treatment options for co-occurring trauma and stress disorders and SUD. Explaining the biological causes of these commonly co-occurring disorders may identify new medication targets. Additionally, studies that bridge basic science and clinical application, focusing on co-occurring trauma and stress disorders and SUD, may identify protective factors that can be strengthened, as well as risk factors that can be reduced, through psychotherapy. Research on how to spread and implement effective treatments is vital, as young people with co-occurring trauma and stress disorders and SUD are among the most undertreated patients due to the difficulty of managing these conditions together. However, as demonstrated by Danielson and colleagues, it is possible to improve clinical outcomes through integrated treatment. Thus, additional research is needed to ensure young people with co-occurring PTSD and SUD have access to evidence-based treatment for these problems. Such advancements would prove invaluable to the treatment of co-occurring PTSD and SUD and will ultimately reduce the public health burden caused by these problems.

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Abstract

Early childhood maltreatment and other traumatic event experiences (“trauma”) are common among youth, including those with substance use problems including substance use disorders (SUD). Particularly, interpersonal violence is associated with high rates of comorbidity between posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and SUD, and these comorbid disorders exhibit high levels of overlapping symptomatology. Theoretical models proposed to explain the bidirectional relationship between PTSD and SUD include the self-medication hypothesis and susceptibility hypothesis. In this article, we explore neurobiologic changes associated with trauma, PTSD, and SUD that underly dysregulated stress response. Examining lessons learned from recent translational and clinical research, we propose that further elucidating the neurobiologic etiology of comorbid PTSD and SUD will require a collaborative, interdisciplinary approach, including the integration of preclinical and clinical studies, exploration of biologic markers in clinical studies, and accumulation of larger studies and longitudinal studies with the power to study PTSD and SUD. Such research can transform the field and ultimately reduce high rates and costly impairment of co-occurring PTSD and SUD across the lifespan.

1. Introduction

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) can happen after a very upsetting or scary event. This could be something a person goes through, sees happen to someone else, or learns happened to a close family member or friend. About two out of three children experience at least one upsetting event by age 16. Bad things that happen to children, especially harm from other people, are common reasons for PTSD in young people. In 2020, there were millions of reports of childhood mistreatment in the U.S. However, many studies likely miss how common childhood mistreatment and PTSD are because not all cases are reported or followed up on.

To be diagnosed with PTSD, a person must have a group of signs and behaviors that cause a lot of trouble or make it hard to live their life. These signs include: (1) upsetting thoughts or feelings that keep coming back; (2) trying to avoid things that remind them of the bad event; (3) strong negative feelings or changes in how they think; and (4) changes in how easily they get upset or react. It is important to know that many young people might not realize they are avoiding things, or that their thoughts, feelings, or reactions have changed because of the trauma. Because of this, even though children are more likely to get PTSD after a bad event than adults, many harmed children might not get a PTSD diagnosis. Instead, they might be diagnosed with other mental health problems. This makes it hard to truly understand how trauma affects young people's minds.

For teenagers, upsetting events are common among those who have problems with drugs or alcohol. Young people with PTSD are much more likely to also have issues with drugs or alcohol. For example, young people who have faced violence from others, like child abuse or seeing violence, are more likely to use substances like cannabis, cocaine, or opioids. In fact, being exposed to violence from others can make someone more likely to have drug or alcohol problems as a teen and adult, even if their family life seems good. This means upsetting events, especially violence from others, are big risks for developing both PTSD and substance use problems. When someone uses drugs, it can also raise their chances of experiencing more upsetting events, creating a cycle of trauma and ongoing drug problems.

In teenagers, about 24% to 30% of those with PTSD also have substance use problems. Also, about 13% to 25% of young people with a main drug problem also have PTSD. These numbers are even higher for adults, ranging from 30% to 50%, and up to 85% for those seeking help. Importantly, it is likely that trauma, PTSD, and substance use problems are not found or treated enough in young people. This happens for many reasons: (1) not checking enough for past upsetting events or substance use problems in hospitals or studies; (2) not enough training on how to check for trauma and how PTSD looks in young people; (3) few young people and their caregivers seek help for both problems at once; and (4) mental health and substance use care are often kept separate, which affects money, training, and licenses. All these issues make it hard to study PTSD and substance use problems when they happen together, including how common they are, why they happen, how to check for them, and how to treat and prevent them.

This document talks about how the signs of PTSD and substance use problems are alike, and how they both affect the brain. It also shares why it is important to study both trauma and substance use in research. This can help guide future research, how we check for these problems, and how we treat them. The goal is to lower the high rates and serious harm caused by PTSD and substance use problems that happen together throughout a person's life.

2. Overlapping Clinical Symptomatology

Everyday experience and studies have shown a strong, two-way link between PTSD and substance use problems. Both PTSD and substance use problems also show signs that are alike. For example, when someone stops drinking alcohol, they can feel worried, easily annoyed, have trouble sleeping, and jump easily. When someone uses cocaine or stops using it, they might feel very alert, paranoid, worried, have trouble sleeping, and have mood problems. These signs of alcohol withdrawal or cocaine use/withdrawal are also key signs of PTSD, especially changes in how a person reacts: being easily annoyed, being overly watchful, jumping easily, having trouble focusing, and not sleeping well. When these two problems happen together, the signs of both PTSD and substance use problems become even worse than if a person had only one of them. Different ideas have been suggested to explain this strong link. One idea is that using substances can make someone more likely to experience trauma (for example, if they drink a lot). This trauma then makes it more likely for them to develop PTSD.

Beyond substance use making someone more likely to experience trauma, some recent studies suggest that PTSD often develops before a person has serious substance use problems. Specifically, the "self-medication idea" suggests that when young people feel very distressed because of trauma, they mostly try to find ways to stop or lessen that bad feeling, like using substances. Every time a young person uses substances and feels a temporary "relief" from distress, it teaches their brain that using drugs is a good way to feel better. This makes it more likely they will use substances again when they feel distressed by a reminder of the trauma. Also, using substances can make PTSD signs worse, such as avoiding things (like using marijuana to avoid being truly present when reminded of trauma) and having negative changes in thoughts and mood related to the upsetting events.

A three-step cycle of addiction can explain how trying to "self-medicate" can make PTSD signs and substance use problems worse. In the first step, heavy substance use and being high makes the brain's reward systems very active. When a person stops using (the second step), they lose that reward feeling, and their stress systems become active, leading to a negative mood. Many signs of PTSD and substance withdrawal are the same, which can make this bad mood even worse. Then, in the third step, people start to think about and look forward to using substances a lot. Trouble with the front part of the brain makes people more impulsive and have strong cravings. This raises the chance of them using heavily again and getting high. Even with many similar signs between PTSD and substance use problems, and ideas about how they are linked, more research is still needed to fully understand how these problems happen together. Looking at how PTSD and substance use problems change the brain can also help us understand their connection.

3. Common Neurobiologic Etiology

Besides having similar signs, PTSD and substance use problems that happen together also share common brain-related causes. These include similar brain parts and pathways that are changed, and a stress response system that works differently. This research helps us find possible ways to prevent and treat both PTSD and substance use problems in teenagers. When it comes to brain parts and pathways changed by trauma and substance use, much of what we know comes from studying people with PTSD and alcohol use problems. Brain scans show changes linked to both PTSD and alcohol use, like an overactive amygdala and an underactive prefrontal cortex (PFC). The amygdala helps with important processes in both PTSD and substance use problems, like being overly jumpy and learning to be afraid. Changes in the amygdala can then lead to avoiding things and seeking drugs. Using substances over and over creates strong memories linking places and feelings to substance use. These connections in the brain get stronger with continued use. It is thought that these amygdala changes make fear come back and raise the risk of using drugs again when triggered by a reminder or stress.

Brain imaging studies truly support that amygdala changes are key in both PTSD and substance use problems. An overactive amygdala is one of the most consistent brain changes seen in PTSD. A smaller amygdala has been linked to having gone through many stressful events, and also to less craving for alcohol and less drinking. Studies in animals also show how important the amygdala is in keeping up substance use behaviors. Recently, some research showed that making a certain chemical active in the amygdala can reduce drug cravings and lower the risk of using again, suggesting these changes can be fixed. Together, these studies point to the amygdala as a possible target for future studies on PTSD and substance use problems in young people.

Another brain area involved in PTSD and substance use problems is the ventromedial prefrontal cortex (PFC). Going through stress early in life is linked to several changes in the PFC. Also, an underactive PFC is linked to how long PTSD signs last in young people. These changes may be behind distress, acting younger, feeling worried, negative moods, substance use, and PTSD. Many studies have also shown that an underactive PFC is linked to trouble with thinking skills and alcohol cravings. It can also predict heavy drinking and higher rates of using again when stressed. Also, connections from the PFC to the amygdala are thought to help with learning fear (which PTSD affects), seeking drugs, and learning to stop a behavior. When these PFC-amygdala connections are underactive, it makes the amygdala overactive, leading to unusual fear responses and drug-seeking behavior.

Most of the studies about the amygdala and PFC mentioned above have looked only at PTSD or only at specific substance use. These studies often have a small number of participants and use different ways to scan the brain and analyze the results. Because of this, brain scan results can be mixed and might not always seem to agree. However, when all these findings are put together, they point to common brain areas of interest and suggest a way that PTSD and substance use problems are linked through the amygdala and PFC.

Both PTSD and substance use problems also involve being overly jumpy and reacting to stress in unhealthy ways. Three brain chemical systems have been found to be common links in PTSD and substance use problems, and they are important for brain development. These are the dopamine system, the noradrenergic system, and the HPA axis (which controls stress hormones). Looking at these systems shows how important being easily aroused and how the body controls itself are in why PTSD and substance use problems happen together.

Research has shown that tough experiences in childhood cause problems with the dopamine system. At first, differences in how dopamine works might make someone more likely to develop PTSD after a stressful event, and then more likely to develop substance use problems. Similarly, drinking alcohol at first makes the dopamine system work in a way that feels good, but then it slows the system down. These changes then lead to bad learning, not feeling enough reward, and not being able to feel pleasure, which makes a person want drugs and raises the risk of using again.

Because the dopamine system changes over a long time, people with long-term substance use problems might switch from using drugs for the good feelings (like euphoria) to using them just to stop feeling bad (like withdrawal or craving). Thinking about the three-step cycle of addiction, these brain changes also make withdrawal and bad feelings worse. In real life, this looks like more feelings of sadness, worry, and being restless. So, the young person might start using drugs in a forced way to escape feeling bad, which is a key part of the self-medication idea.

Stress from trauma also turns on a part of the brain called the locus coeruleus (LC), which starts a stress response involving norepinephrine, causing "fight-or-flight" reactions. Young people who have experienced trauma show higher normal activity in this system and a more active nervous system. This is linked to having unwanted thoughts, avoiding things, and being overly jumpy. Also, signs of noradrenergic activity are higher in people with PTSD and those going through alcohol or opioid withdrawal, and in those who drink more alcohol after early life stress.

Few studies so far have looked at how substance use affects the body's reaction to sudden stress. Possible reasons include changed normal levels and adjustments in brain signal paths that lead to unhealthy reactions to triggers and keep drug use going, raising the risk of using again. To explore the brain-related causes of PTSD and substance use problems that happen together, one study used a rat model that developed PTSD-like signs after trauma. When the noradrenergic system was activated by giving the rats amphetamine, they showed more activity in certain dopamine neurons and a stronger stress response. So, the noradrenergic system becoming more sensitive due to drug use, and the changes in dopamine signals after that, might be a common biological reason for PTSD and substance use problems.

When a person first experiences trauma, levels of a hormone called CRH go up, leading to a lot of cortisol being released. High CRH levels in the amygdala might also cause a person to be overly jumpy and have more fear-related behaviors. Over time, the CRH receptors in the brain become less active, leading to lower normal cortisol levels. This feedback loop makes the stress system (HPA axis) overly sensitive to stress, leading to unhealthy stress responses. Higher CRH levels in the hypothalamus have also been linked to withdrawal from cocaine and after drinking alcohol. Thinking about these studies, high CRH might explain how stress, including being overly jumpy, leads to more substance use. It is thought that high CRH levels in the LC raise norepinephrine, including in the amygdala. This then causes more CRH to be released in a cycle that makes the stress response stronger with each new stressful event. Many types of substances, like nicotine, cannabis, cocaine, and alcohol, have been shown to activate the HPA axis and other related systems. The effects of opioid use seem more complex, with human studies showing these systems become less active and animal studies showing they become more active.

Finally, research has shown that experiencing trauma in early childhood leads to problems with how the body reacts to cortisol. Changes in cortisol reaction might increase the shared risk for developing substance use problems, PTSD, and other mental health issues. So, focusing on preventing substance use problems in those with changed cortisol reactions might be a future step for young people who have experienced early life trauma, or whose mothers had PTSD. In short, brain scans and lab studies suggest that PTSD and substance use problems that happen together share common biological causes. This helps point to possible ways to prevent and treat both problems in teenagers.

4. Lessons from Translational and Clinical Research

Up to now, many studies have looked at substance use problems or PTSD by themselves, not including when they happen together. However, recent studies keep showing how important it is to look at these often-paired problems within the same study. One study looked at how early life problems affected alcohol use problems in teenagers who did not have other mental health issues. This showed how important it is to think about trauma and substance use together. In that study, teenagers with alcohol use problems had smaller brain areas compared to healthy teens. When the study also looked at early life trauma, it found that more childhood trauma was linked to smaller brain areas, even when controlling for alcohol use problems. The authors concluded that some changes seen in older studies of alcohol problems might actually be due to trauma or other things, not just alcohol use alone.

Using cannabis and having PTSD have both been linked to changes in important brain connections. A recent study aimed to see how having both PTSD and using cannabis regularly affected these brain connections. They put people into four groups: those with trauma but no PTSD or regular cannabis use, those with PTSD but no regular cannabis use, those with trauma who use cannabis but do not have PTSD, and those with both PTSD and regular cannabis use. The study found that PTSD was linked to changes in a brain pathway, and this was related to how bad their PTSD signs were. On the other hand, cannabis use was linked to other changes in these pathways. There was no major link between PTSD and cannabis use together, meaning that in people with PTSD, cannabis use did not further change the brain pathways already affected by PTSD.

In another study about cannabis use, researchers looked at brain connections over time in people with a severe mental illness, their siblings without the illness, and healthy people. They did brain scans two times over three years. The authors thought that childhood trauma and cannabis use would lead to fewer brain connections over time. When they looked at cannabis use or childhood trauma on their own, they did not find big differences in brain connections. However, when they considered the group, cannabis use and childhood trauma were each linked to fewer brain connections in people with the severe mental illness compared to their siblings without it.

Looking at both cocaine use problems and PTSD together has given us important information about their similar signs and shared brain-related causes. One study did brain scans on 34 men seeking help for cocaine use problems, some with trauma and some without, after they had been clean for 7–10 days. The men with cocaine use problems and trauma showed stronger connections between the amygdala (involved in fear) and other brain areas linked to motivation and reward. The authors think this stronger connection might make people with trauma more likely to react strongly to things that remind them of drugs. This, in turn, might explain why people with both cocaine use problems and trauma are more likely to use drugs again.

These studies show that brain imaging results can be different. One reason might be that brain pathways and causes differ depending on the substance used. Other things that might cause differences in studies include who participated, and what kind of brain scanning and analysis methods were used. However, putting these findings together helps identify common brain areas and suggests a way that PTSD and substance use problems are linked through the amygdala and PFC.

As shown by some research, finding brain changes linked to PTSD and substance use problems can point to possible weak spots that lead to using drugs again. This can help create specific treatments. This is very important for preventing and treating PTSD and substance use problems that happen together, because these combined problems are linked to starting substance use earlier, more substance-related issues, worse success in treatment for both problems, and poorer overall physical and mental health than having only one disorder.

In line with the idea that addiction follows a cycle, studies have shown that the severity of PTSD signs is linked to acting on impulse and having substance use problems in people who have experienced trauma. Some research showed that impulsive traits might then explain the link between PTSD and substance use. Similarly, how severe and how often someone uses substances is strongly linked to having trouble controlling emotions, including impulsive behaviors. Trouble controlling emotions might be how trauma leads to substance use problems. When emotions are hard to control, it can lead to unhealthy behaviors, like problem substance use, often done to avoid feeling bad. More trouble controlling emotions is also linked to developing alcohol dependence, stronger alcohol cravings, and how often cannabis is used. So, treatments that help people control their emotions better might help both PTSD and substance use problems.

Up to now, studies on substance use problems have stressed that PTSD is a major trigger for continued substance use problems. In a large study of teenagers getting help for substance use, researchers found that ongoing PTSD is a key reason for returning to substance use. Also, the worse the PTSD signs, the more serious the substance use was at the end of treatment. Similarly, a study of young people involved with the law found that PTSD signs were not only linked to substance use signs, but they might also explain how substance use signs are linked to outward behaviors (like acting out). Also, lowering how jumpy a person is and reducing impulsivity might be key to cutting down on substance use problems.

These findings show how important it is to treat PTSD to truly reduce substance use problems. Few studies have been published that look at treating both problems together in teenagers. One study recently completed a trial of a therapy called Risk Reduction through Family Therapy. This showed that exposure-based therapy can safely treat young people with PTSD who also have substance use problems. This means it is possible, and very important, to manage both PTSD and substance use problems in teenagers at the same time.

5. Summary and Future Directions

Information from well-done studies shows that most people have experienced one or more very upsetting events in their lives. Childhood is no different, and by age 18, about half of young people will experience serious violence from others. Being exposed to upsetting events causes a huge burden on mental health, including PTSD and substance use problems, for those who go through trauma, and for society as a whole. PTSD and substance use problems often happen together in teenagers and adults, and they seem to have a two-way link. This means having substance use problems might make someone more likely to experience upsetting events, and people with PTSD are more likely to have substance use problems. In this paper, we focused on PTSD and substance use problems that happen together, which cost the U.S. hundreds of billions of dollars each year. The mental health effects of upsetting events seem to have gotten worse because of the COVID-19 pandemic, during which we have seen a big rise in many mental health issues, like opioid overdoses. In fact, a "National Emergency in Child Mental Health" was announced in October 2021.

These high rates and costs of PTSD and substance use problems show how important and urgent it is to focus time and money on studying when these problems happen together in teenagers, with the goal of stopping these effects earlier in life. While progress has been made in the fields of PTSD and substance use problems, important questions remain unanswered about the brain, genes, body reactions, and behaviors that link PTSD and substance use problems in teenagers. As we ask for research to further explain why PTSD and substance use problems happen, and why they happen together, we know this area is complex. This includes shared risks, similar clinical signs, and common brain pathways. So, we offer the following ideas for future work in this area.

First, it is vital to use an all-together approach, where mental health and substance use fields join as one. We should not think of these problems as separate things. Historically, studying and treating PTSD and substance use problems have happened in separate areas, often even leaving out the other problem in their research. Few studies have looked at the complex reasons why PTSD and substance use problems happen together within the same study plan. So, most of what we know about these often-paired problems comes from comparing studies about PTSD to studies about substance use. Therefore, we believe that to better understand what these problems share and how they differ, it is crucial to consider trauma and substance use within the same study. This might mean doing large studies that follow people over many years and have fewer strict rules about who can join.

The Adolescent Brain Cognitive Development (ABCD) study offers a special resource to understand how trauma and substance use together affect the developing brain over time. This is the largest long-term study of brain development, and it looks at trauma and substance use. While the study is set up to do first checks before regular substance use begins, one limitation might be how well it captures early childhood trauma that happened before people joined the study. Still, ways to find out the unique and combined effects of these problems can help guide studies that link basic science to real-world problems. This can help explain the brain reasons for trauma and stress disorders and substance use problems that happen together.

Second, understanding unique and shared brain processes will also benefit from creating teams across different fields. These teams should combine studies in people with animal studies. Recent reviews show how valuable it is to bring together human studies and animal models to find new information about how PTSD works. Such an approach has also been useful for understanding how addiction affects the brain. So far, few studies have looked at how trauma and substance use affect the brain in the same animal models. However, one important review showed that it is possible to use animal models to look at how these combined risks affect later mental health problems. Also, working together to study both PTSD and substance use problems can help find biological signs. These signs can allow for better treatment plans and figuring out who is at risk, including the risk of using drugs again.

Third, while some differences are natural to make sure studies represent and apply to real people, experts should agree on rules for who can be included and excluded from studies. This will make it easier to compare and combine results across studies. In the past, the wide range of rules for including and excluding people has made it hard to draw conclusions. Differences in study rules fall into many areas, like looking at trauma exposure versus actual PTSD, or recent substance use versus long-term use, or heavy/problematic use versus never or light use. These differences can greatly affect results. For example, how severe the trauma was will likely change how the body's systems react to trauma or substance use, and how substance use affects behavior after that. So, it is not surprising that studies in people have found different results.

Fourth, getting and keeping diverse groups of people in all types of studies on PTSD and substance use problems that happen together is very important. This ensures our research truly represents and applies to the very people most at risk for trauma. In a paper published in July 2022, researchers found that only 20 out of 536 articles reported the racial and ethnic backgrounds of their participants. The authors called for more diversity and openness, which we also support here. We also suggest including ways to measure types of trauma that especially affect diverse groups.

Finally, the important role of development must be strongly considered when planning future research in this area. While studies have found brain differences linked to trauma and substance use in adults, much less is known about how trauma and substance use together affect the developing brain during teenage years. Studies reviewed in this paper give a strong basis for valuable information about the unique effects and shared causes of PTSD and substance use problems that happen together, and key things to study next. Our hope is that research from these ideas and beyond offers a promising way to improve public health. This would ultimately stop mental illnesses, including PTSD and substance use problems, from starting after people experience upsetting events and hardship.

Finally, big challenges remain in getting young people with both problems into treatment and keeping them there. In the end, as we learn more about the shared risks and common biological causes, these findings will be key to creating better ways to prevent and treat trauma and stress disorders and substance use problems that happen together. Learning about the brain causes of these often-paired problems might find new drug targets. Also, studies that link science to real-world problems can find good things that protect people, and bad things that put them at risk. These can then be improved or lessened by therapy. Spreading and putting research into practice is vital, as young people with both trauma and stress disorders and substance use problems are among the least treated patients. This is because it is hard to manage both problems at once. However, as some studies have shown, it is possible to get better results through combined treatment. So, more research is needed to make sure young people with both PTSD and substance use problems can get helpful, evidence-based treatment for these issues. Such progress would be very valuable for treating PTSD and substance use problems that happen together and would ultimately lower the public health burden caused by these issues.

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Hinckley, J. D., & Danielson, C. K. (2022). Elucidating the neurobiologic etiology of comorbid PTSD and substance use disorders. Brain Sciences, 12(9), 1166.

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